Capitalism's Destruction of Black & Brown Communities: Gentrification in America

Rembrandt Brown

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Registered


Pushed out
She’d lived on this historically black D.C. block for 40 years. Now the city she knew was vanishing, and so was her place in it.
By DeNeen L. Brown
Washington Post
SEPTEMBER 21, 2019

She was moving slowly, but she needed to speed up. Her blue sandals clicked on the hardwood floor, echoing off the empty green walls of the two-bedroom rent-controlled apartment in Northwest Washington where she had spent the past 40 years of her life. Reluctantly, she spun from one room to the next, packing boxes, folding sheets, unfolding sheets, opening cupboards, closing cupboards, doing a mental inventory.

What to take? What not to take? Where would she and her family live now? She hadn’t looked for an apartment since everyone called D.C. by its old nickname: Chocolate City.

Now that city was vanishing, and so was Sanathera Price’s place in it.
“I really don’t want to move,” said Price, 61, sinking into a chair in the living room of her beloved apartment in the 1800 block of 13th Street NW. “My time is up, I guess. I know I have to move. But I’m stuck.”

Her emotions welled up in the thick, oppressive summer heat inside the apartment. The air conditioning was broken, and the fan had stopped spinning in the living room. She opened a window that faced a red brick wall. It wasn’t a pretty view but it was hers.

Outside, her block was a booming microcosm of gentrification. Construction workers hammered and drilled, transforming an apartment building two doors down into condos that will sell for hundreds of thousands of dollars. Tourists with rolling bags swept in and out of the huge brownstone mansion next door that has become a bustling bed-and-breakfast. Millennials sped up and down the sidewalk on scooters. The corner store across the street at 13th and T had begun selling organic milk to cater to the newcomers. Rowhouses around the corner where black people once lived were being gutted, renovated and flipped. Now her own building was being emptied of its last tenants to be remade into something far fancier, something she knew she would never be able to afford. Price had to pack, move and turn in her keys before Labor Day.

She’d planned to stay here until she became an old lady, in a building that sits just off U Street, a corridor known as Black Broadway. Next door to her was the historic century-old Whitelaw Hotel, designed by noted African American architect Isaiah T. Hatton. Down the street: a childhood home of Duke Ellington.

She’d moved to this block in Shaw when she was a mother in her 20s, raising three children and a nephew in a neighborhood that was once mostly black and is now overwhelmingly white.

She paid $525 a month to rent her two-bedroom apartment — at least $1,500 less than what many apartments in this neighborhood now commanded.

Price was wearing a blue summer dress and her thick hair was plaited in two French braids. She’d just gotten off work at the Social Security Administration office in Northeast Washington, where she has worked for as long as she has lived in this apartment. “I am the kind of person who doesn’t like change,” she said. “I spent 40 years in the same job; 40 years in the same apartment.” She’d cooked and cleaned at 1829 13th Street NW, first on the building’s third floor and later on the first floor. There were Christmas trees, home-cooked meals and first-day-of-school photos. And there was loss.

One day in 2001, her husband, Walter Hilliard, got out of bed at 4:30 a.m. to get to his job as a dump truck driver. Suddenly, he fell to the bedroom floor.

“I jumped up, turned on the light and found him,” she recalled. “His mouth was twisted, but he kept saying, ‘I’m all right. Just give me a minute.’ ”But he wasn’t. He was taken to a hospital with an aneurysm that eventually killed him at age 53.

“He never came back home,” she said. Now she lived in the apartment with her second husband, Elgin Allen, one of her sons, and two of her 10 grandchildren.

Through it all, Price said, her biggest fear was “getting put out. I never wanted to be put out.” After four decades of dutifully paying her rent, that’s exactly what was happening.

‘More and more expensive’

Price is among thousands of people being displaced in the nation’s capital by warp-speed gentrification. In Columbia Heights, Capitol Hill, Navy Yard and other neighborhoods, affluent white people have moved into the city, forcing less affluent black people out of the city.

The District has one the nation’s highest displacement rates for low-income residents, according to a study by the Institute on Metropolitan Opportunity, which investigates social and economic disparities in the United States.

“We see over and over again, D.C. is getting more and more expensive with incentives for owners to turn buildings into luxury condos,” said Lori Leibowitz, managing attorney for the Neighborhood Legal Services Program. “As that process happens, our clients — many of them are black, and longtime residents — are getting pushed out of D.C.”

The forces of displacement arrived at Price’s doorstep five years ago, when her 14-unit building was sold by Talley R. Holmes Jr., a black lawyer and real estate magnate, to Clydeco 2013 LLC for $2.8 million. It is now worth an estimated $6 million, according to Redfin.

The residents formed an association under the city’s Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act, which gives tenants a chance to buy the building where they live. It also provides some negotiating leverage. Clydeco and its agent, Frederick Silvers, assured Price and her neighbors that they would not have to move, according to the lawsuit.

The battered brick building, which was built in 1956, needed refurbishment. So the tenants voted to trade their purchase rights for repairs and a guarantee that they could remain in their rent-controlled apartments.

But most of the promised repairs never happened, and several months after the purchase was complete, the tenants filed a lawsuit in D.C. Superior Court, claiming that Clydeco “had been lying during the negotiations.” According to the complaint, at the same time “it was telling the Building’s residents that it intended to operate the Building as a rental property for the long term and that they could stay in their homes, it was telling its lenders that it planned to convert the Building to condominiums and sell the units for hundreds of thousands of dollars each.”

Attorneys for Clydeco denied the allegations in a motion to dismiss the case. When reached by a reporter, one of the attorneys said he could not comment on the case, which was settled in June. The terms of the settlement were confidential.

Price, one of the last holdouts, had no choice. She had to pack up. Her 25-year-old daughter took the lead on looking for a new home for her mother. She checked out apartments in suburban Maryland. She researched a property for sale in Suitland.
“It was a nice little house with a yard,” Price said. But it was so far from the D.C. neighborhood she loved.

‘Who can afford that?’

Even with the settlement, Price wouldn’t be able to buy a million-dollar condo in Shaw. Or rent the apartment advertised across the street for $3,500 a month.

“Who can afford that?” she asked.

A white woman walked by and told Price that she’d seen the apartment, and that it was beautifully renovated. Price said she had no doubt that it was nice, but that it was beyond her means. The woman, who volunteered that she’d “inherited wealth,” agreed with Price that the neighborhood had become extraordinarily expensive. Later, Price wondered what the woman meant by “inherited wealth.”

“Do you think she means, like, millions of dollars?” she asked.

Shaw once boasted a concentration of African American wealth, epitomized by the Whitelaw Hotel. Built in 1919 by black entrepreneur John Whitelaw Lewis, the Whitelaw was a refuge during segregation when white-owned hotels refused to take bookings from African Americans. It drew legendary boxer Joe Louis, bandleader Cab Calloway, and legal giants Charles Hamilton Houston and Thurgood Marshall. Duke Ellington, who lived in several houses in Shaw when he was growing up, also stayed at the hotel. A photo of his tab still hangs in the lobby.

The Whitelaw was elegant, boasting its own ballroom. But with integration came its slow decline. Then Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated and the 1968 uprising ripped through Shaw. By the 1970s, the hotel had become a drug haven. Trash piled up in the ballroom.

A detective told The Washington Post in 1977 that on almost any given day inside the Whitelaw, one might find “a drug addict crawling around the halls with a needle in his arm. Or somebody would stumble over you with a sawed-off shotgun. Or you’d stop a guy to ask him a few questions and a packet of dope would fall out of his pocket.”


That year, the D.C. government decided to close the Whitelaw for building code violations.

“You couldn’t live there. The riots destroyed the neighborhood back in ’68 and then the Whitelaw turned into a place you were lucky to come out alive,” said Jim Dickerson, founder of Manna, a nonprofit group that renovated the hotel and turned it into an affordable apartment building in 1991.

Mae Green moved into the Whitelaw in 1999. By then, white people were starting to buy in Shaw, but it still felt like her community. Twenty years later, that’s no longer true, she said.

“Like, you can go into the Rite Aid, and you will see 48 boxes of hair color and only three for a person of color,” said Green, who is black and works as a security guard downtown. “And it doesn’t make sense because we were here. We are still here. But it’s almost as if you don’t exist.”


Green and Price talked over the wrought-iron fence surrounding a patch of grass where their children once played. Their longtime neighbor Kia Hopkins, 44, a nursing assistant who has lived in the Whitelaw for 20 years, stopped to say hello. Hopkins said that the newcomers make her feel invisible.

“Sometimes, they look at you like, ‘What are you doing here?’ Or they bump you,” Hopkins said. “Just now, a lady let her dog come up on my leg. She didn’t say anything” or apologize. She just kept walking in the direction of Black Broadway, she added.

Price recounted what happened during her annual Fourth of July cookout in 2018. White neighbors, she said, “called the police. They said the music is too loud. But across the street they can have a party on the sidewalk, and nobody says a thing.”

‘A wreck when I bought it’

Price waved to another longtime neighbor, Gary Hyde, a white man who bought in Shaw long before it was gentrified.

Hyde, a federal worker, waved back. He walked up the stairs to his brownstone, where he lives and runs a bed-and-breakfast. The brownstone is sandwiched between Price’s apartment building and another brick apartment building, which he also owns and is turning into condos. Inside his house, jazz is playing. The living room is decorated with oil paintings and antiques. The afternoon light streams though the curved bay window over a piano that Ellington once played.

Hyde flipped through photos of what the brownstone, which had been used as a halfway house, once looked like.
“It was pretty much a wreck when I bought it” in 1999, he said. It had no kitchen. There were drop ceilings and fluorescent lighting throughout. “I did almost all the work — except plumbing and wiring.”

He paid $525,000 for the brownstone and the attached apartment building, which lacked a separate entrance back then. Now the brownstone alone is assessed at $1.1 million, according to D.C. tax records. The apartment building at 1825 13th Street NW is being transformed into a six-unit luxury condo building called the Boss Shepherd. It’s named for an influential figure in 19th century Washington — a white man who helped transform the city.

Hyde has renovated 12 houses in Shaw, now a far more desirable and expensive neighborhood than when he arrived in 1985. Nearly all his neighbors were black then, but he doesn’t consider himself a gentrifier. He said he helped stabilize the neighborhood and save houses from collapse, including one around the corner at 12th and T streets.

“When I walked through the door the first time, I fell through the floor,” he said. “I don’t think people think about that when they say gentrification is terrible across the board.”


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‘I’m part of the change’

On a late-summer evening, Price walked down her block and past the Duke Ellington house, which has a historical marker outside. The sidewalk in front of the red rowhouse memorializes Price’s son Wesley, who wrote his name in the wet cement.

Price pointed to a house that a black pastor and his wife once owned.
“He was this man who every morning got up and cleaned the whole street all the way to T,” she recalled. “Across the street was the home of a black doctor.” But that man was gone and so was the black family that used to live next to him, and the family that lived next to them.

Price kept walking, like a tour guide explaining the history of her neighborhood. She stopped at a house that used to be a church.
Suddenly, a voice came from over the house’s low wrought-iron fence.

“I didn’t know it was a church,” said a white man drinking a glass of white wine on the front lawn. The homeowner, a real estate agent, moved here five years ago.

“Are you still in the neighborhood?” he asked Price. She told him she still lived around the corner.

He said he knows gentrification has caused displacement. “I’m part of the change,” he said. “I feel bad. There is one [black-owned] house left on this block. An original elderly couple who have been here a long time. When I moved here, there were more. I feel like they are being pushed out, but they are making millions on the houses they’ve had for so long.” He said he can sometimes feel the resentment when he passes black people on the street. "We are a Friday hot spot for African Americans who come in from suburbs,” he said.

Price interrupted: “You think it’s African Americans from the suburbs or African Americans who moved out and are coming back to their neighborhoods?” He said he didn’t know.

Price ended the conversation by inviting him to her annual summer cookout: “We barbecue. We play cards. I always invite all the neighbors.”
The man politely declined. He’d be at his beach house, he said. She didn’t tell him that she won’t be his neighbor much longer.

‘This building was mine’

One by one, the boxes were loaded into a friend’s truck on a warm August night. After about an hour, Price’s apartment was empty.

She did one last walk through, remembering all that had passed here, 40 years of life.

Her eyes welled, but her daughter, Ciara Hilliard, told her: “Come on, Mom, don’t start that.”
Price, her son and two grandchildren were going to move in with Hilliard in Oxon Hill, Md., while Price’s husband would stay with his sister in Capitol Heights. They were still looking for a new place. But first Price had to walk away from her old place.

“I really thought this building was mine,” she lamented. “Mr. Holmes owned the building, but I ran it. I told him what was going on and when he had to make repairs. I welcomed new people to the building. I swept and mopped the floors in the stairwell — from the third floor all the way down to the laundry room. I made my husband paint the lobby. I used to put a Christmas tree by the door every year.”

When there was a fire a couple of years ago, she said, she was the one who banged on her neighbors’ doors to wake them up. “They called me the mayor of the building,” she recalled.

Her daughter tugged at her to leave.
“Come on, Mom. Don’t start,” she repeated. “I keep telling you, this is a fresh start. … You’re going to have a dishwasher. And air conditioning. And maybe a yard.”

Price looked one last time. Then she closed the door, locked it and handed in the keys to her home.
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
How gentrification caused America’s cities to burn
Yuppies attract cafes and amenities to gentrifying neighborhoods. They also spark rising rents — and even violence.

By Dylan Gottlieb
Washington Post
September 13, 2019


As recently as the 1970s, cities like New York, Boston and San Francisco were notorious for blight, crime and fiscal insolvency. Today, these cities boast booming finance and tech sectors that are attracting young professionals and fostering gentrification. Housing prices have skyrocketed, as neighborhoods like Harlem saw rents spike by 50 percent from 2000 to 2010. Soaring rents often push out low-income tenants in gentrifying neighborhoods. But bigger bills are not the only way tenants have been displaced. In San Francisco, a series of suspicious fires in 2015 and 2016 led many to suspect that landlords were using arson to displace low-income residents and convert their buildings to condos for highly paid tech workers.



Shocking as this sounds, it would not be the first time that more aggressive, even violent methods have been used to displace poorer tenants. While gentrification is sometimes thought of in genteel terms, that hasn’t always been the case. As gentrification accelerated in the late 1970s, a growing professional industry that promised urban revival and higher rents brought about harassment and even deadly violence to people living in the very neighborhoods starting to boom.

Take the case of New York. While gentrification had been occurring, if slowly, since the 1960s, the deregulation of Wall Street — and the resulting hiring boom at the city’s banks, consulting companies and law firms — changed everything. From 1977 to 1987, Manhattan’s financial sector added 151,755 jobs. By 1987, 1 in 3 Ivy League grads headed to Wall Street, up from 1 in 30 in 1977. As banks grew, all 30 of New York’s largest law firms doubled in size, too. So did most of the city’s consulting firms.


All those young, highly paid bankers, consultants and lawyers needed somewhere to live — preferably a renovated apartment with easy access to their jobs in Manhattan.
That flood of young professionals transformed many New York neighborhoods, from Brooklyn Heights to SoHo to the Upper West Side. But nowhere was the change as fast or as ferocious as in Hoboken, N.J., a city of 45,000 people just across the Hudson River. In the 1960s, it was poor: It had the second-highest rate of welfare recipients in the state, and unemployment topped 12 percent. But in the mid 1970s, a marketing campaign led by the local redevelopment agency brought a trickle of newcomers — first artists and brownstoners, then a stream of well-heeled bankers and lawyers.

Landlords noticed the renewed interest in the city and sought to convert their tenement buildings into luxury condominiums. But there was a problem: Their properties housed low-income, mostly Latino tenants who paid rents that were stabilized under state law. Efforts to buy out existing residents were unsuccessful.


So owners took extreme measures. They first threatened, then allegedly set fire to their buildings in the hope of driving out tenants. Between 1978 and 1983, those fires killed 55 people and displaced 8,000 more.

Declining neighborhoods also often experienced arson, with absentee landlords torching their buildings when an insurance settlement offered a higher payout than rental income. New York experienced roughly 10,000 arsons each year from the mid-1970s through the early 1980s, mostly in impoverished areas like Bushwick and the South Bronx.

But neighborhoods like Hoboken moving in the other direction — places experiencing interest and investment from upper-middle-class professionals — were also subject to the violence of arson. And that violence disproportionately affected communities of color.


The details of the Hoboken arson wave are harrowing. In 1980, Olga Ramos, who owned a tenement at 12th and Washington streets, asked the city’s rent-control board for a $50-per-month rent increase, roughly four times the allowed annual cap. After Ramos’s request was denied, she told tenants that she “she would get them out, even if she had to burn down the building.” In the predawn hours of Oct. 24, 1981, a fire swept through the property. Eleven people, including all the members of one family, were killed.

After interviewing the landlord and the suspected arsonist, Capt. Patrick Donatucci of the Hoboken City police determined that the blaze was “definitely arson-for-profit.” Just weeks after the fire, Ramos sold the gutted building to a developer who converted it to upscale condos.

This was only one of the dozens of deadly fires that struck the city as it gentrified. In all, Hoboken suffered almost 500 fires, nearly all the result of arson, from 1978 to 1983. More than 7,000 Latinos, many of whom had occupied desirable rent-controlled apartments, fled the city. Yet no one was ever prosecuted. Proving that a landlord was guilty of conspiracy to commit arson required evidence that they had paid an accomplice to start the fire; evidence of economic gain alone was insufficient.


Meanwhile, the population of professionals who commuted to jobs in Manhattan exploded. On the desirable blocks closest to the Hudson River, the proportion of residents working in professional or managerial jobs leaped from 1 in 20 in 1970; to 1 in 3 by 1980; and then to 1 in 2 by 1990. The number of financial-sector workers grew almost sevenfold over the same period. Few of those professionals showed sympathy for the residents they were replacing. A stockbroker, sitting at a cafe across from where an arson-related fire had killed 12 people one day earlier, put it bluntly. “I don’t want people to be burned,” he said. “But I wouldn’t mind a nicer element of people here, if you know what I mean.”

Sadly, Hoboken’s story was far from unique. Wherever young professionals moved, existing residents faced eviction — or worse — as landlords pursued profit. Beginning in the early 1980s, tenants of single-room-occupancy hotels were evicted across Manhattan’s Upper West Side. On Chicago’s North Side, developers used fire to clear lots to make way for high-end condos. In Boston’s gentrifying Back Bay, an influx of professionals led to a 400 percent increase in the number of arsons-for-profit, leading Boston Mayor Raymond Flynn to declare a war on what he called “gentrification arson” after his election in 1983. Nationwide, the situation became so dire that Congress held hearings on the arson-for-profit crisis in 1980, 1981 and 1982.

Then as now, cities welcomed the arrival of young professionals as a way to cure their many ills: falling tax revenue, abandoned retail corridors, sagging real estate markets. But Hoboken’s arson wave reveals the dark underside of this growth strategy. Rising salaries mean rising rents — a powerful incentive for landlord malfeasance. Only by providing affordable housing and investigating tenants’ claims of harassment can cities ensure that today’s urban renaissance does not bring yet more deadly consequences.


Dylan Gottlieb is a PhD candidate in history at Princeton University and a National Fellow at the Jefferson Scholars Foundation at the University of Virginia.



 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
CAC's are a fucking virus.

Black Americans ain't never gonna get justice his country

Not if all we do is passively complain.

I posted a thread about CNN's LGBT presidential forum last night and it quickly garnered dozens of replies with people complaining about black issues not being discussed.

But when you try to discuss real black issues, none of those people have 15 minutes to read an article and you get mostly crickets.
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
Not if all we do is passively complain.

I posted a thread about CNN's LGBT presidential forum last night and it quickly garnered dozens of replies with people complaining about black issues not being discussed.

But when you try to discuss real black issues, none of those people have 15 minutes to read an article and you get mostly crickets.

Black Virginia candidate who lost by 82 votes in 2017 who is being attacked for supporting reparations = 2 replies in 24 hours

How would you respond if a guy you used to know changed gender identity? = 30 responses in 1 hour
 

Mrfreddygoodbud

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
Gentrification is just cacs need to be around the god race aka the blackamoors..

They got sundown towns... They got states that are just for them..

All we got are the inner cities in a few states..

And cacs especially Jewish people swarm like flies on an ox's ass...

What's up with that????
.my bruh has a great theory ....


He says Jews will always follow us because they fear the kkk will wipe them out if they isolate themselves around cacs

We need to do our own case studies
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
How gentrification caused America’s cities to burn
Yuppies attract cafes and amenities to gentrifying neighborhoods. They also spark rising rents — and even violence.

By Dylan Gottlieb
Washington Post
September 13, 2019


As recently as the 1970s, cities like New York, Boston and San Francisco were notorious for blight, crime and fiscal insolvency. Today, these cities boast booming finance and tech sectors that are attracting young professionals and fostering gentrification. Housing prices have skyrocketed, as neighborhoods like Harlem saw rents spike by 50 percent from 2000 to 2010. Soaring rents often push out low-income tenants in gentrifying neighborhoods. But bigger bills are not the only way tenants have been displaced. In San Francisco, a series of suspicious fires in 2015 and 2016 led many to suspect that landlords were using arson to displace low-income residents and convert their buildings to condos for highly paid tech workers.



Shocking as this sounds, it would not be the first time that more aggressive, even violent methods have been used to displace poorer tenants. While gentrification is sometimes thought of in genteel terms, that hasn’t always been the case. As gentrification accelerated in the late 1970s, a growing professional industry that promised urban revival and higher rents brought about harassment and even deadly violence to people living in the very neighborhoods starting to boom.

Take the case of New York. While gentrification had been occurring, if slowly, since the 1960s, the deregulation of Wall Street — and the resulting hiring boom at the city’s banks, consulting companies and law firms — changed everything. From 1977 to 1987, Manhattan’s financial sector added 151,755 jobs. By 1987, 1 in 3 Ivy League grads headed to Wall Street, up from 1 in 30 in 1977. As banks grew, all 30 of New York’s largest law firms doubled in size, too. So did most of the city’s consulting firms.


All those young, highly paid bankers, consultants and lawyers needed somewhere to live — preferably a renovated apartment with easy access to their jobs in Manhattan. That flood of young professionals transformed many New York neighborhoods, from Brooklyn Heights to SoHo to the Upper West Side. But nowhere was the change as fast or as ferocious as in Hoboken, N.J., a city of 45,000 people just across the Hudson River. In the 1960s, it was poor: It had the second-highest rate of welfare recipients in the state, and unemployment topped 12 percent. But in the mid 1970s, a marketing campaign led by the local redevelopment agency brought a trickle of newcomers — first artists and brownstoners, then a stream of well-heeled bankers and lawyers.

Landlords noticed the renewed interest in the city and sought to convert their tenement buildings into luxury condominiums. But there was a problem: Their properties housed low-income, mostly Latino tenants who paid rents that were stabilized under state law. Efforts to buy out existing residents were unsuccessful.

So owners took extreme measures. They first threatened, then allegedly set fire to their buildings in the hope of driving out tenants. Between 1978 and 1983, those fires killed 55 people and displaced 8,000 more.

Declining neighborhoods also often experienced arson, with absentee landlords torching their buildings when an insurance settlement offered a higher payout than rental income. New York experienced roughly 10,000 arsons each year from the mid-1970s through the early 1980s, mostly in impoverished areas like Bushwick and the South Bronx.


But neighborhoods like Hoboken moving in the other direction — places experiencing interest and investment from upper-middle-class professionals — were also subject to the violence of arson. And that violence disproportionately affected communities of color.

The details of the Hoboken arson wave are harrowing. In 1980, Olga Ramos, who owned a tenement at 12th and Washington streets, asked the city’s rent-control board for a $50-per-month rent increase, roughly four times the allowed annual cap. After Ramos’s request was denied, she told tenants that she “she would get them out, even if she had to burn down the building.” In the predawn hours of Oct. 24, 1981, a fire swept through the property. Eleven people, including all the members of one family, were killed.


After interviewing the landlord and the suspected arsonist, Capt. Patrick Donatucci of the Hoboken City police determined that the blaze was “definitely arson-for-profit.” Just weeks after the fire, Ramos sold the gutted building to a developer who converted it to upscale condos.

This was only one of the dozens of deadly fires that struck the city as it gentrified. In all, Hoboken suffered almost 500 fires, nearly all the result of arson, from 1978 to 1983. More than 7,000 Latinos, many of whom had occupied desirable rent-controlled apartments, fled the city. Yet no one was ever prosecuted. Proving that a landlord was guilty of conspiracy to commit arson required evidence that they had paid an accomplice to start the fire; evidence of economic gain alone was insufficient.

Meanwhile, the population of professionals who commuted to jobs in Manhattan exploded. On the desirable blocks closest to the Hudson River, the proportion of residents working in professional or managerial jobs leaped from 1 in 20 in 1970; to 1 in 3 by 1980; and then to 1 in 2 by 1990. The number of financial-sector workers grew almost sevenfold over the same period. Few of those professionals showed sympathy for the residents they were replacing. A stockbroker, sitting at a cafe across from where an arson-related fire had killed 12 people one day earlier, put it bluntly. “I don’t want people to be burned,” he said. “But I wouldn’t mind a nicer element of people here, if you know what I mean.”

Sadly, Hoboken’s story was far from unique. Wherever young professionals moved, existing residents faced eviction — or worse — as landlords pursued profit. Beginning in the early 1980s, tenants of single-room-occupancy hotels were evicted across Manhattan’s Upper West Side. On Chicago’s North Side, developers used fire to clear lots to make way for high-end condos. In Boston’s gentrifying Back Bay, an influx of professionals led to a 400 percent increase in the number of arsons-for-profit, leading Boston Mayor Raymond Flynn to declare a war on what he called “gentrification arson” after his election in 1983. Nationwide, the situation became so dire that Congress held hearings on the arson-for-profit crisis in 1980, 1981 and 1982.

Then as now, cities welcomed the arrival of young professionals as a way to cure their many ills: falling tax revenue, abandoned retail corridors, sagging real estate markets. But Hoboken’s arson wave reveals the dark underside of this growth strategy. Rising salaries mean rising rents — a powerful incentive for landlord malfeasance. Only by providing affordable housing and investigating tenants’ claims of harassment can cities ensure that today’s urban renaissance does not bring yet more deadly consequences.


Dylan Gottlieb is a PhD candidate in history at Princeton University and a National Fellow at the Jefferson Scholars Foundation at the University of Virginia.





“I was born across this river in the Boogie-Down,” she told Sanders’ New York crowd on Saturday, with a reference to the Bronx borough’s role in the early days of hip-hop. “And like many first-, second- and third-generation Americans, I was born in multiple contexts.

“My mom was born in Puerto Rico, my dad was born in the South Bronx while the Bronx was burning … when landlords began to turn to arsonists because the insurance payouts were more valuable than the people living in these buildings.

“That was the backdrop by which my parents started their lives, and the backdrop in which I started mine was a one-apartment bedroom in Parkchester in the Bronx. They worked hard, they had a mattress on the floor, they had a crib in the closet, and that’s how we started our American dream.”

 

Mrfreddygoodbud

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
this is a people having their land stolen by savages issue....from the trail of tears to black wallstreet to todays gentrification...

the savage european perfected the art of pillaging, plundering, rape and murder,

he could do it all with the swipe of a pen... e.g Racial Integrity Act of 1924...

we shouldve left them in the caves eating each other and dying in their own filth our antcestors fucked up royal being too humane to a gotdam BEAST!!!
 

gene cisco

Not A BGOL Eunuch
BGOL Investor
This isn't a "Black" issue...this is a "renting and not owning shit" issue.
All of this is fucked up. People often talk about gentrification, but seldom discuss the reverse. How neighborhoods go from good to bad. And if someone says :eek2: 'Jobs', not it's not.

Anyone in NE Ohio who is past 35 probably remembers when the inner-ring suburbs were great places to live. Now only select areas are nice. So what's causing the communities to not be maintained?

Capitalism seems to thrive on creating a revolving door with real estate. Move black people in. Whites leave. Neighborhood declines for some fucking reason as if cacs are needed to have peace. A generation or two later, cacs come back and buy shit up because it's now cheap as shit. Rinse. Repeat. It keeps everyone buying and selling.

If owning is indeed the issue, black property owners have to realize when it's time to sell. Once they see the government is starting to move the hood to their area, sell. I see too many black families from when I came up who have lost probably six figures in property value. Folks have to break the cycle and beat these cacs at their own fucking game.
 

geechiedan

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
All of this is fucked up. People often talk about gentrification, but seldom discuss the reverse. How neighborhoods go from good to bad. And if someone says :eek2: 'Jobs', not it's not.

Anyone in NE Ohio who is past 35 probably remembers when the inner-ring suburbs were great places to live. Now only select areas are nice. So what's causing the communities to not be maintained?

Capitalism seems to thrive on creating a revolving door with real estate. Move black people in. Whites leave. Neighborhood declines for some fucking reason as if cacs are needed to have peace. A generation or two later, cacs come back and buy shit up because it's now cheap as shit. Rinse. Repeat. It keeps everyone buying and selling.

If owning is indeed the issue, black property owners have to realize when it's time to sell. Once they see the government is starting to move the hood to their area, sell. I see too many black families from when I came up who have lost probably six figures in property value. Folks have to break the cycle and beat these cacs at their own fucking game.
your right about everything but one thing...its not for some fuking reason...there is a cause here

cacs left the area when black and brown moved in decades ago fleeing the south for those "good jobs" in the east. Cacs arbitrarily designated black and brown neighborhoods as less valuable the SECOND blacks and brown moved into those neighborhoods. Redlining is the arbitrary valuation of property based on peoples skin color regardless of the condition of the neighborhood. simply because we were living in it period...our occupying the space at all was seen as a detriment to them so they cordoned off the areas and said the property value there is shitty (this is redlining). When they left they took the jobs and city services dried up accordingly...

Decades later they looked at the neighborhoods and remembered how its just off the river with a great view or convenient to down town or whatever. Then suddenly they want the space again. NOW it has value (for them) again. So they buy up the property cheap and start raising rent and leases and get city hall to raise property taxes and force the black and brown there out (this is gentrification).

This is why I said the two are bookends you can't have one without the other and at the end of the day we're playing their game.

How does city services dry up? because a city thrives on large contract jobs coming in. Manufacturing for etc.
In order to set up any large scale production business, you need loans from banks. there arent many if any black-owned banks meaning you're dealing with white banks who either won't do it or do it with a short leash. then you need cooperation with local gov for the zoning for the actual property..then you have to get materials for the product. Then you have to deal with labor unions..

what I mean by the political aspect is that those politicians grease the wheels for their community to make sure the licenses and permits and such goes to their group. Italians for example have a significant piece of the construction industry large scale and small. Well those Italian city council people make sure that those contracts and subcontracts goes to those companies who in turn hire italians to work those sites.

How many times have you driven by a construction site and saw nothing but white dudes in hard hats working it even in a black neighborhood...and then you look at the company van or trucks and see GENARDI CONSTRUCTION or something like that...thats not a coincidence.

How many time have you see an black construction company..seriously.. I'm 43 and have NEVER seen a construction site where the workers were all black or mostly black or even seen anyone who looked like foremans who were black..has anyone else??

The political component works in tandem with the banking component and the labor component. If you leave out any one those then ANYTHING we do will always be small scale and limited.

Because without the banks...you don't have money to start up.

Without competent labor...nothing gets done correctly

Without the political angle...you can't set up and expand.

Above all else we need to all be on the same page. Solidarity. Mofos need to understand they have to play their position for the group.
 

Day_Carver

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
Gentrification is just cacs need to be around the god race aka the blackamoors..

They got sundown towns... They got states that are just for them..

All we got are the inner cities in a few states..

And cacs especially Jewish people swarm like flies on an ox's ass...

What's up with that????
.my bruh has a great theory ....


He says Jews will always follow us because they fear the kkk will wipe them out if they isolate themselves around cacs

We need to do our own case studies
Gentrification is classism. The government can justify classism but it can’t justify racism. Regardless, Classism has almost the same effects, as racism, for us. And that’s the real issue…
 

850credit

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
And yet you got dudes on this very board pushing the notion that buying a home is a bad investment.

Lady said she "felt like" she owned cause she'd lived there so long. That don't mean shit.
 

850credit

Rising Star
BGOL Investor


Ignorant take that doesn't account for history.

Minorities get swindled and intimidated into selling every day. Every sale is not a fair deal.

Then the nerve to want to sell you a house. That's your sales pitch? Shame folks into buying your crap new builds?
 

Mrfreddygoodbud

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
The problem with these studies are it conveniently avoids the core of the problem

By ignoring the psyche of a people obsessed with
Gentrifying the same people over and over again

They could live any fuckin where and do..

Yet they are obsessed with taking anything we occupy....

You have to be a functioning soulless drip of scum to be that obsessed with a people!!

Where is the study on the Obsession..that's the fucking real question!!!
 

Costanza

Rising Star
Registered
Just sharing a few threads on capitalism since I did a search:


You take these trolls too seriously. What capitalistic society doesn’t have a caste system?
[when it's your first time engaging with Costanza]






 
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