HOW ‘‘LIBERAL’’ LATE-NIGHT TALK SHOWS BECAME A COMEDY SINKHOLE

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
I particularly liked the section titled "Their Version Of Liberal Just Means Not Being White Trash."

HOW ‘LIBERAL’ LATE-NIGHT TALK SHOWS BECAME A COMEDY SINKHOLE

Miles Klee

‘Every single person in late night knows it’s a dumb factory of lazy ideas,’ one fed-up writer tells us. ‘I will never be happy with anything I make.’

In 2005, I attended the taping of what turned out to be a landmark episode of The Daily Show. The front half was the usual skewering of that day’s news, nothing too memorable — but the guest was the infamous Christopher Hitchens, a prickly proponent of the Iraq War, something the audience and host Jon Stewart regarded as a colossal mistake. While the two men on stage began their conversation with the obligatory chumminess of the late-night TV interview, it was bound to become a fierce debate on Iraq, and that’s exactly what happened: For around 20 minutes, Stewart challenged Hitchens’ excuses for a disastrous invasion, and Hitchens punched back, impressively enough that he could at one point observe the crowd had gone quiet.



It was an electrifying encounter — one of the early examples of the breathless “so-and-so DESTROYS political opponent” fare that has choked the internet in years since. When Hitchens left, Stewart more or less apologized for the intensity of their debate, joking that the production team would have a great time trying to edit it down into a coherent segment. In truth, it wasn’t that common for him to go on the offensive, and anyone in that room intuitively understood why: It may have been cathartic, and even enlightening, but it wasn’t very funny.

Talented as Stewart was (or is) at sneaking punchlines into a thorny discussion of geopolitics, those moments found him resisting a deep well of gravity created by bloody, corrupt and spiraling American empire. When you slice right into that issue, it will never be a laughing matter. The brutal reality of lives destroyed and a region in chaos cannot be domesticated for your living room.

Understandably burnt out and ready to pass the torch, Stewart left The Daily Show in 2015 and has largely kept to himself in the Trump era. This makes the demarcation between the remarkable run of The Daily Show and The Colbert Report during the Bush and Obama presidencies and the current ecosystem of late-night talk shows especially crisp. In fact, Stewart’s career tells the story of what I regard as the three phases of political consciousness within the format. He took the reins of the show in 1999, right as the comedy hacks finally ran out of bad Monica Lewinsky jokes. From there, he (and soon Stephen Colbert) walked the tightrope of cogent, biting political satire, incidentally gifting mainstream network shows with freedom to ignore or address Washington at will.

Then Colbert transitioned to that platform (theoretically leaving his political commentary behind), Stewart bounced, Trump took power in a shock election, and we entered a third act for TV writers expected to cull humor from the state of government and its leaders. Remember, the late-night model wasn’t really built for this: Johnny Carson, presumably liberal, explicitly avoided such topics and guests of that orbit; David Letterman wrapped his opinions in a hundred layers of irony; Jay Leno remained safely noncommittal and recently complained that today’s hosts are one-sided, begging for a return to every centrist’s favorite value: “civility.” But while it’s easy as ever to hit Leno as the epitome of uncool and brush off his asinine prescription (rudeness is hardly a hindrance to good comedy), the diagnosis from which he proceeds is inescapably true:

These shows are fucking unwatchable.

‘EVERYONE IS ON AUTOPILOT’
You could fairly accuse me of hating late-night talk shows long before they transformed into entertainment for Resistance Boomers who think that calling Trump “the Cheeto-in-Chief” is devastatingly clever. For me, they are a frustrating waste of awesome talent. It’s painful to watch someone like Colbert, who makes me double up in laughter with his performance in the oddball ’90s sitcom Strangers With Candy, go through the paces of yet another weeknight monologue on the president’s bald hypocrisies. Then there are the people behind the scenes, toiling at bits they know are jarringly uncomical, with no way of challenging the hierarchy that demands them.

One such writer, a man with an impressive résumé, reached out to me as I started this piece. He works at one of the major network late-night shows, and he’s despondent. (For obvious reasons, I won’t reveal his identity or other specifics on his employer.)

“I have been venting about this very shit to [a friend] for about five months now,” he writes to me in a Twitter DM. “To me, this is all because of two big things, one being that the late night writers’ rooms are all extremely homogeneous groups of cynical, miserable white comedy dudes who figure out the ‘formula’ for the show early on and then never really work harder than they need to. Which makes sense, because the other big thing is that the people who make the actual decisions on these shows are all older, white dudes who are out of touch (but don’t think they are) and are never thinking in terms of comedy or upending power or doing anything interesting with the format, they just maintain the status quo and follow a formula of ‘thing we’ve done + a celebrity = hit.’”

No doubt this was the same dynamic that gave us the first wave of late-night political hackery, when Bill Clinton’s rampant horniness and abuse of office turned into a parade of repetitive innuendo and cruel jokes at Monica Lewinsky’s expense (for which Letterman, at least, has voiced some regret). This time around, the stagnation makes for a punishingly superficial critique of Trump’s tenure and the man himself.





It’s only natural that these Trump “takedowns” would lack the substance of, say, the Stewart-Hitchens confrontation. With rare exceptions, Kimmel, Corden, Colbert, Conan, Fallon and Meyers aren’t trying to push us anywhere uncomfortable; they’re who you watch to unwind at bedtime. This means papering over much of the true horror of being alive in this country right now — migrant family separation, emboldened Nazis, environmental and kleptocratic plunder — to feast on low-hanging fruit.

“Monologue-wise, there’s just a bunch of shortcuts-to-jokes that every writer knows to hit for Trump stories now,” the exasperated TV writer tells me. “Talk about Trump loving fast food, reference a photo where he looks awful, call him orange, mention the Stormy Daniels thing (always in some not-so-thinly-veiled anti-sex-work way), say he tweets a lot, use one of his catchphrases like ‘Fake News,’ etc. Everyone’s on autopilot.”

He adds, “Trying to push any new idea, even if it’s low-risk, is a series of hurdles that almost always ends in different producers saying they ‘don’t see it,’ or shutting it down because they don’t get a reference that the entire rest of the world would get, or bristling at the idea of even mentioning race/gender/sex in any creative way that isn’t already some catchphrase on a department store T-shirt.”

In his writers’ room, he says, they don’t even have the freedom to pursue different, “evergreen” subjects, because “the Trump stuff got more engagement and sort of legitimized them as a ‘show with a point of view,’ which is nonsense. It’s really just trying to chase John Oliver.” But if they wanted to follow the model of HBO’s Last Week Tonight With John Oliver, arguably the best comedy/news hybrid of the moment, they’d have to renovate their show from top to bottom. Besides, the success of Last Week Tonight has less to do with its roasting of Trump than a willingness to wander into the weeds on arcane or poorly understood stories to make sense of America’s fundamental brokenness. You get real information there.

The TV writer explains that this isn’t something most late-night talk shows are equipped to offer, at least not anymore, so long as they cling to an outmoded approach: “At this point it feels like the only reason they acknowledge Trump is because he is the news, and ignoring him would be noticeable,” he says — though that also means we’ve had our fill of him already. Who in the goddamn hell is hungry for extra Trump analysis? “I’ve honestly never understood the notion of commenting on the news in late night anyway,” he adds, “but I think it’s just a relic of a time when you might legitimately be learning about things for the first time at 11 p.m. But now, with Twitter and a million different outlets for news, late-night monologues are [hacky] by 11 a.m.”

‘THEY’RE NOT TRYING TO BEAT THE INTERNET — JUST YOUR BORING COWORKERS’
Whereas the Lewinsky gags, abhorrent and vapid as they were, may have felt fresh to people who didn’t have the chance to make those jokes online, no lighthearted potshot at Trump taken by a late-night host will compare to the scabrously funny, unbroadcastable shit people tweet about the president 24/7. As the writer puts it, in terms of the race to land a solid blow: “They’re not trying to beat the internet, they’re still just trying to beat your boring office coworkers.”





These shows are, however, nominally online, and equally banal in that medium. These social accounts are defended with zeal by the shows’ loyalists — people with avatars of bald eagles in pink pussy hats and tenuous web literacy. When I quote-tweeted a particular groaner posted by the staff at The Late Show With Stephen Colbert, wondering if they couldn’t do better, these folks came out of the woodwork to call me a snowflake, a Trump supporter and an unfunny nobody. Some just showed up to reply with their own incoherent Trump “jokes,” and one woman, having assumed my avatar of Ben Affleck smoking was a photo of me, said to “keep puffing on the cigarette.” Lung cancer: a fine punishment for disrespecting her favorite TV show.







What motivates these weirdos? Why do they care what I think? And how did they even stumble across that tweet? It’s telling, of course, that their political identity comprises bromides and parody songs from a barely-left-of-center media machine. I can only conclude that they are the last true believers in this mealy dreck that late night is pumping out. They’re nourished and sustained by the consoling lie that Trump is an aberration of the system, not an avatar of its very nature; that everything will go back to “normal” one day, provided we keep ridiculing his hideous combover and fake tan. They are the dim bulbs who adopted Robert Mueller as a daddy figure and still defend grope-y Democrats like Al Franken and Joe Biden.

And they definitely think they’re the good guys.

‘THEIR VERSION OF LIBERAL JUST MEANS NOT BEING WHITE TRASH’
Another man in the industry (he describes himself as a “mid-level TV writer,” though not of the late-night sphere) tells me via Twitter DM that the skin-deep stabs at Trump aren’t intended to be apolitical — rather, they’re coded as courageous. “They think [joking about] ‘covfefe’ is brave,” he argues. “These are people whose version of ‘liberal’ just means not being white trash. And not calling their coworkers gay slurs.” Of course, that doesn’t stand in the way of their homophobic gloss on the Trump-Putin relationship.

This derangement presumably stems from a refusal to face the America that propelled Trump to the White House. For all they hate him, they yearn, as he does, for a “lost” country that younger generations view with skepticism. “No one wants to confront the fact that they grew up in a time that was pretty sexist and racist because then they’d have to stop being nostalgic for everything,” this writer says. “See: Aaron Sorkin.” As such, the anti-Trump Boomers — faithfully catered to by the older, more powerful figures in TV while, allegedly, the newcomers there are told to shut up and use the tired playbook, because that’s what “works” — settle into a smug superiority that lets them vent their classist contempt. That’s true of some of the hosts and writing staffs, too. “Bill Maher isn’t actually liberal, he just hates people from Alabama,” the second writer says. When I reframe that idea as “‘I shop at Whole Foods, so I’m not a reactionary,’” he replies, “[This is] the politics of 75 percent of Hollywood writers.” And so that’s the ideology served.

‘THEY’RE LITERALLY UPHOLDING THE STATUS QUO IN EVERY WAY’
The first late-night TV writer gives me the impression we probably aren’t going to break out of this bind anytime soon. The system is complacent in its abject shittiness. “I think the worst part is that every single person in late night knows it’s a dumb factory of lazy ideas,” he says. “[The host] makes fun of it, the head writers make fun of it, the staff writers watch the tapings and just lament it all. But the alternative is taking a risk, and network TV just isn’t about that. Safety is the key.” He tells me that he plans to leave the job soon. “[N]o amount of money can validate how consistently miserable it makes me feel to waste so much time, knowing I will never be happy with anything I make,” he says.

Still more dispiriting than that, he says, is his fellow creatives’ hostility to the aspirants capable of changing things for the better. He mentions his anger at writers mocking people who used the Writers Guild of America–associated hashtag #WGAStaffingBoost to seek work, “making fun of [the tweets] and reading them out loud. A bunch of privileged, white, staffed WGA writers, cackling at unemployed writers who are just trying to break into the industry but don’t have connections.” He laments this “bunch of cynical jerks who live by the law that vulnerability is embarrassing and worth looking down upon, and that they’ve gotten to where they are by just being better. No perspective to even realize how many times the [tweets] they chose to make fun of were … people saying they focus on diverse voices.”

It seems that for every youthful, fun, excitingly nonwhite talk show like Desus & Mero, there are a dozen depressingly bland legacy series whose doors are firmly closed to innovation, lacking both the means and will to do anything with Trump besides “tick off the ‘we-mentioned-him-and-said-he’s-bad’ box and move on,” as the late-night writer describes it. And so that becomes the weak standard of defiance.

Which is to say, the awful talk shows are complicit in this barbaric regime by diminishing any rebuke of it to the scope of a half-assed Alec Baldwin impression. In truth, it would be better if they didn’t mention Trump at all; that would possibly sting his ego. Alas, the not-long-for-late-night writer says, they will continue hitting him with an inflatable hammer, because a genuine crisis isn’t enough to disrupt business as usual, and these places are “full of people who think they’re doing so much better than everyone else, with no perspective to see they’re literally upholding the status quo in every way.”

Personally, I can’t find anything funny in that.
 

Flawless

Flawless One
BGOL Investor
Because a comedy show with a right wing host would come off racist. IF there was a right wing late talk show are they going to make jokes how funny it is to lock up families and take their children away?
 

gene cisco

Not A BGOL Eunuch
BGOL Investor
The author must be too scared to point out that it's all coming from Jew media.
These folks speaking anonymously and still like fuck that shit. :roflmao:

But yeah, I like how they said these white liberal writers just don't want to be white trash. They can be just as racist, but don't want to admit it. When they feel too many black people have moved into their neighborhood, they move out just as fast. They the liberals who were all for Civil Rights until a black family shows up in their neighborhood looking for houses.
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
The author must be too scared to point out that it's all coming from Jew media.

I think the article speaks to a pretty broad perspective. The same liberalism critiqued here dominates MSNBC 24/7, not just late night. It certainly isn't Jewish people driving the viewership.

Consent is manufactured and ownership of media is important. But making this about Jews seems like a myopic wedging of a widespread phenomena into a preconceived stereotype. This is about liberalism in America, not just Jews. Scapegoating Jews seems an easy cop-out to me. Call them sheep if you want but the majority of Americans with this ideology are not Jewish.
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
Because a comedy show with a right wing host would come off racist. IF there was a right wing late talk show are they going to make jokes how funny it is to lock up families and take their children away?

You could not have missed the point more. There's no advocacy for a right wing alternative here. I assume you just didn't read the article. :smh:
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
Didn't Fox News give Dennis Miller a talk show? Ask Fox why they stopped doing conservative comedy.

So because conservative comedy is bad, so-called liberal comedy is beyond criticism? Did you really set the bar for comedy at fucking FOX News?

Trump being bad doesn't make everything anti-Trump good. :smh:
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
It's getting there tho...

Nah, man. Trump is the most outlandish manifestation but fucked up conditions in this country allowed and aided his election. The country needs a viable alternative, not just any alternative. These late night people make heroes and saints out of George W Bush, Ronald Reagan, John McCain, etc... Bill Maher regularly apologizes for being too tough on Mitt Romney, claiming the differences between him and Obama didn't amount to much. They're setting the stage for a competent sane person to be just as evil as Trump and totally accepted.

The good ol' days weren't shit and making Trump the total embodiment of everything wrong in America is a disservice to the county. Add to that how shallow the criticism often is and it really corrupts the discourse.
 

xxxbishopxxx

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
So because conservative comedy is bad, so-called liberal comedy is beyond criticism? Did you really set the bar for comedy at fucking FOX News?

Trump being bad doesn't make everything anti-Trump good. :smh:
Good job ducking the question. Miller was off the air by the time Trump came into office. They brought him on to counter the so called Obama love fest of the liberal media. Miller has been a well known and well liked conservative comic, who has done talk shows before. If conservative comedy can't survive fox news, how it is supposed to survive else where?
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
Good job ducking the question. Miller was off the air by the time Trump came into office. They brought him on to counter the so called Obama love fest of the liberal media. Miller has been a well known and well liked conservative comic, who has done talk shows before. If conservative comedy can't survive fox news, how it is supposed to survive else where?
I was not ducking. I was trying to explain why the question was irrelevant.

Who said conservative comedy was superior? Did you read the article? I really have no idea what point you are trying to make.
 

xxxbishopxxx

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
I was not ducking. I was trying to explain why the question was irrelevant.

Who said conservative comedy was superior? Did you read the article? I really have no idea what point you are trying to make.[/QUOTE
Okay, now you are just pulling shit out of your ass to avoid the obvious point. I never said that is what you said. I will spell it out for you.

No matter how people feel about the overtly liberal slant of comedy, conservative comedy doesn't sell. Jimmy Fallon ratings took a hit just because he treated Trump like a normal guest. Meanwhile shows that hit Trump the hardest are doing well (SNL).

The Fox point was to point out when a conservative network tried to take a different point of view, no one watched it, including Fox viewers.

As a side point, Trump says or does some dumshit, a comedian is just supposed to ignore it? Meanwhile, you have a sitting U.S. President who acts and talks like he is on a reality show.
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
Okay, now you are just pulling shit out of your ass to avoid the obvious point. I never said that is what you said. I will spell it out for you.

No matter how people feel about the overtly liberal slant of comedy, conservative comedy doesn't sell. Jimmy Fallon ratings took a hit just because he treated Trump like a normal guest. Meanwhile shows that hit Trump the hardest are doing well (SNL).

The Fox point was to point out when a conservative network tried to take a different point of view, no one watched it, including Fox viewers.

As a side point, Trump says or does some dumshit, a comedian is just supposed to ignore it? Meanwhile, you have a sitting U.S. President who acts and talks like he is on a reality show.

I'm still not sure if you actually read the article or if I'm debating your reaction to a headline you didn't understand... Regardless, the problem here is your dualistic zero-sum thinking. "If it is not one thing, it must be the other."

What you are presenting is a false choice-- Conservative comedy has absolutely nothing to do with this topic!!! There are options beyond petting Trump's head like Jimmy Fallon vs making jokes about him being orange every night like Stephen Colbert. Liberal and Left are NOT synonyms.

I encourage you to do more reading on the difference if you don't understand but, to start with, here is an article explaining the shallowness of liberalism, using late night icon Jon Stewart as an example. This should make the point very clear for you if you read the first article and did not appreciate the focus of the criticism. The point is not to abandon using comedy as a tool to challenge Trump but to encourage a comedy that actually confronts the core problem.


Why I’m Not a Liberal
To many liberals, injustice is a product of misunderstanding, the result of faceless processes that no one really benefits from.
BY ROBIN MARIE AVERBECK, Jacobin


I was standing in the National Mall, surrounded by nearly a quarter million people, when I realized I wasn’t a liberal.

I had come to Washington, along with 215,000 others, to participate in
Jon Stewart’s “Rally to Restore Sanity,” an event inspired by Glenn Beck’s “Rally to Restore Honor.” The festival reached its height as the spectators were treated to a video montage of fire-breathing pundits from all the major news networks denouncing their political opponents.

The message was clear: Those who tell you there are fundamental differences between Americans that are worth getting emphatically angry about are lying to you.

This divided America — an America that contains people with radically different values and radically different ideas of what a just, moral society looks like — does not exist. If it seems otherwise, it is simply because, as one sign at the rally put it, we fail to use our “inside voices.”

Standing in the crowd, I felt my eyebrows furrow. True, the antics of cable news conflict do nothing to contribute to the national discourse. True, most American citizens are more complex than the buffoons we rightly dismiss as “pundits.” Yet for all their shameless spectacle-making, the talking heads of the national news media do get one thing right: There are substantial, and fundamental, oppositions between Americans.

Yet if mainstream liberal outlets are your major news sources, you would never know it. Stewart himself drove this point home with his final speech, an earnest paean to looking past our differences, built on the assumption that ultimately we all share the same goals, hopes, and dreams.

This conceit — that the fundamental divides creating discord in America are easily corrected by a cool head and an open mind — is perhaps the most central ideological tenet of contemporary liberalism. It’s also a major obstacle to a more egalitarian society.

Of course, the primary target of liberals’ ire is the Tea Party echo chamber of conservative commentary. As Stewart put it, “We have a special place in our hearts for Fox.” Yet ironically, the Right’s willingness to recognize conflict occasionally results in more clarity from them than from liberals.

Take the battle of obituaries that commenced between liberals and the Left after the death of Nelson Mandela. Liberals mostly wrote what they would be expected to write: appreciations of Mandela as a model of non-violent resistance while ignoring the radical dimensions of his political project. The Left responded with the type of corrective history that has become commonplace every year Martin Luther King Day rolls around.

Usually neglected in such commentaries, however, was an acknowledgment that other voices in the political conversation also recognize the radical legacy of figures like Mandela and King — conservatives. Such conservatives did appear, but they were treated by liberals as self-evident examples of the Right’s intellectual bankruptcy, paraded out as more proof of how hysterical their movement has become.

Yet lost in all of these festive roastings of the Tea Party was the fact that the right-wing “crazies” were closer to the truth than the liberals. After all, as many a leftist columnist pointed out and celebrated, Mandela did at one point advocate the use of violence as a means to liberation, did participate in communist politics, and was, at least earlier in his career, a radical.

But in liberal discourse, the erroneousness of the Right is assumed, and the moral of the story again becomes one of the dangers of polarization and ideology. In liberals’ view there is no conflict, so recognizing and naming your enemy is necessarily an act of distortion.

Moreover, by encouraging us to be anxious about open conflict, liberalism actually masks how today’s political debate obscures as much as highlights our differences.

Recoiling from the screaming and name-calling, liberals point to conflict-oriented infotainment as toxic to the public discourse. Yet because they are so distracted by the surface noise, they miss the undisturbed bedrock of consensus positions.

In debates about poverty policy, for example, liberals often do push back against the nearly sociopathic desire of conservatives to destroy the welfare state. If you really want to fight poverty, they insist, you need to help folks get back on the job, not leave them at the mercy of circumstance.

Remaining undisturbed, however, is the assumption that the solution to poverty is to push as many poor people as possible into the job market — to “fix” poor folks rather than restructure the economic institutions that place them in such a quagmire. The fact that this charade of a debate often involves yelling creates the illusion that a fundamental difference is being discussed — but it’s merely the means that are being disputed.

At the same time, identifying fundamental disagreements that do exist becomes extremely difficult when one cannot even name what is being struggled over — power. For at the root of the liberal denial of conflict is the liberal denial of power. And on this falsehood, all attempts to honestly confront conflict run afoul.

To say that liberals struggle with the concept of power is so familiar that it seems like a truism at this point. Indeed, even liberals themselves — on their leftmost flank, at least — often engage in this critique. Yet as G. E. Lessing once wrote, even those who mock their chains are not always free, and even self-conscious liberals still continually ignore or downplay power.

Liberals in academia, for example, frequently find ways to avoid questions of power. Consider the last twenty years of scholarship on conservatism. While much of this work confronts power directly, the field itself implicitly rests on two questions: What in the world is conservatism about and how did it become so successful after World War II?

Indeed, some scholars are so discombobulated by these problems that when one provides what seem like obvious answers — racism, sexism, and a lopsided class struggle — they respond with disbelief that anyone could offer so reductive an assessment.

Yet the importance of such scholarship is more than just academic. For when no one is understood as protecting a position of power, strategies designed to confront that power directly are deemed illegitimate.

Direct action is characterized as undemocratic, opposition to hate speech is described as hate speech, and boycotts attempting to put pressure on Israel are attacked as dogmatic at best and antisemitic at worst.

And unsurprisingly, much shortsighted hand-wringing ensues. Such strategies are intended to call the bluff that there are no sides by explicitly, and emphatically, taking a side. Those who prefer the illusion of principled neutrality sense an implied criticism of their conduct in such a move, and respond with even more furious declarations of the infinite complexity of the question and the simplicity of those taking a stand. Defining legitimate modes of opposition, then, is not only an intellectual tendency, but also a reflexive act of self-defense.

Thus by policing the acceptable boundaries of conflict, liberals end up denying the existence of conflict altogether. Injustice, in the liberal narrative, is a product of misunderstanding, an offspring of faceless processes that no one really benefits from and only the ignorant line up in defense of.

So blind is the liberal gaze to questions of power that even something as clearly based in domination as the Jim Crow regime is recast, as in the arguments of Gunnar Myrdal, as merely an awkward and irrational contradiction in Americans’ hearts, easily corrected if exposed as incompatible with the supposedly egalitarian ethic of the “American Creed.”

In the liberal imagination, education and accommodation are self-evident solutions, since the problem can neither be understood as a matter of brute power struggles nor as a product of structural inequality fundamental to the functioning of entire institutions.

The hundreds of murals that decorate the walls of cultural centers and student resource buildings across the country attest to this narrative of victims without victimizers. We see images of people holding flags and coming together. But who they are organizing against is rarely depicted. Where are the riot cops, the angry business owners, the hedge fund managers, the anti-choice and anti-gay protesters, the Young Americans for Freedom in these montages?

In this picture book version of social justice struggle, no one ever opposes freedom’s forward march. All the oppressed need to do is rise up and assert themselves; the world they are fighting for is realized simply by the act of self-declaration.

This blind spot is strictly enforced. Activists who try to put the oppressors back in the picture are either dismissed as illegitimate, and if they still refuse to go away, are dealt with by the police and by the courts.

It makes it exceedingly difficult to hold anyone responsible for their actions. The representatives of the liberal order can always cry good intentions and open dialogue, denying that, through their behavior and affiliations, they have already taken a side that is in opposition to the interests of those who protest them.

Earlier this year the great American folk singer Pete Seeger died at the age of 95. One of Seeger’s most recognizable recordings, an old union ballad, poses a simple question: Which side are you on? In our political culture today, posing political problems so starkly has become increasingly difficult, met on the personal level with uncomfortable declarations of uncertainty and neutrality, and on the political level with the hypocritical (and yet accurate) accusation that such questions push an agenda of class war.

And despite the contributions of liberals like Stewart in exposing the bankruptcy of the Right, this crucial reality — that there are power struggles to be fought and won — was missing that day in Washington.

But what else can be expected? You can’t choose a side when liberalism insists there are no sides at all.
 

geechiedan

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
There are no TALK show hosts today..

Fallon is the game show host

Kimmel is the prankster

Colbert is the political satirist

Corden is the wannabe singer (who stole Graham Norton's style)

Meyers is the leftwing pundit

these guys are a loooooong way from Johnny Carson and Merv Griffin.
 

Rembrandt Brown

Slider
Registered
Okay, now you are just pulling shit out of your ass to avoid the obvious point. I never said that is what you said. I will spell it out for you.

No matter how people feel about the overtly liberal slant of comedy, conservative comedy doesn't sell. Jimmy Fallon ratings took a hit just because he treated Trump like a normal guest. Meanwhile shows that hit Trump the hardest are doing well (SNL).

The Fox point was to point out when a conservative network tried to take a different point of view, no one watched it, including Fox viewers.

As a side point, Trump says or does some dumshit, a comedian is just supposed to ignore it? Meanwhile, you have a sitting U.S. President who acts and talks like he is on a reality show.

I'm still not sure if you actually read the article or if I'm debating your reaction to a headline you didn't understand... Regardless, the problem here is your dualistic zero-sum thinking. "If it is not one thing, it must be the other."

What you are presenting is a false choice-- Conservative comedy has absolutely nothing to do with this topic!!! There are options beyond petting Trump's head like Jimmy Fallon vs making jokes about him being orange every night like Stephen Colbert. Liberal and Left are NOT synonyms.

I encourage you to do more reading on the difference if you don't understand but, to start with, here is an article explaining the shallowness of liberalism, using late night icon Jon Stewart as an example. This should make the point very clear for you if you read the first article and did not appreciate the focus of the criticism. The point is not to abandon using comedy as a tool to challenge Trump but to encourage a comedy that actually confronts the core problem.


Why I’m Not a Liberal
To many liberals, injustice is a product of misunderstanding, the result of faceless processes that no one really benefits from.
BY ROBIN MARIE AVERBECK, Jacobin


I was standing in the National Mall, surrounded by nearly a quarter million people, when I realized I wasn’t a liberal.

I had come to Washington, along with 215,000 others, to participate in
Jon Stewart’s “Rally to Restore Sanity,” an event inspired by Glenn Beck’s “Rally to Restore Honor.” The festival reached its height as the spectators were treated to a video montage of fire-breathing pundits from all the major news networks denouncing their political opponents.

The message was clear: Those who tell you there are fundamental differences between Americans that are worth getting emphatically angry about are lying to you.

This divided America — an America that contains people with radically different values and radically different ideas of what a just, moral society looks like — does not exist. If it seems otherwise, it is simply because, as one sign at the rally put it, we fail to use our “inside voices.”

Standing in the crowd, I felt my eyebrows furrow. True, the antics of cable news conflict do nothing to contribute to the national discourse. True, most American citizens are more complex than the buffoons we rightly dismiss as “pundits.” Yet for all their shameless spectacle-making, the talking heads of the national news media do get one thing right: There are substantial, and fundamental, oppositions between Americans.

Yet if mainstream liberal outlets are your major news sources, you would never know it. Stewart himself drove this point home with his final speech, an earnest paean to looking past our differences, built on the assumption that ultimately we all share the same goals, hopes, and dreams.

This conceit — that the fundamental divides creating discord in America are easily corrected by a cool head and an open mind — is perhaps the most central ideological tenet of contemporary liberalism. It’s also a major obstacle to a more egalitarian society.

Of course, the primary target of liberals’ ire is the Tea Party echo chamber of conservative commentary. As Stewart put it, “We have a special place in our hearts for Fox.” Yet ironically, the Right’s willingness to recognize conflict occasionally results in more clarity from them than from liberals.

Take the battle of obituaries that commenced between liberals and the Left after the death of Nelson Mandela. Liberals mostly wrote what they would be expected to write: appreciations of Mandela as a model of non-violent resistance while ignoring the radical dimensions of his political project. The Left responded with the type of corrective history that has become commonplace every year Martin Luther King Day rolls around.

Usually neglected in such commentaries, however, was an acknowledgment that other voices in the political conversation also recognize the radical legacy of figures like Mandela and King — conservatives. Such conservatives did appear, but they were treated by liberals as self-evident examples of the Right’s intellectual bankruptcy, paraded out as more proof of how hysterical their movement has become.

Yet lost in all of these festive roastings of the Tea Party was the fact that the right-wing “crazies” were closer to the truth than the liberals. After all, as many a leftist columnist pointed out and celebrated, Mandela did at one point advocate the use of violence as a means to liberation, did participate in communist politics, and was, at least earlier in his career, a radical.

But in liberal discourse, the erroneousness of the Right is assumed, and the moral of the story again becomes one of the dangers of polarization and ideology. In liberals’ view there is no conflict, so recognizing and naming your enemy is necessarily an act of distortion.

Moreover, by encouraging us to be anxious about open conflict, liberalism actually masks how today’s political debate obscures as much as highlights our differences.

Recoiling from the screaming and name-calling, liberals point to conflict-oriented infotainment as toxic to the public discourse. Yet because they are so distracted by the surface noise, they miss the undisturbed bedrock of consensus positions.

In debates about poverty policy, for example, liberals often do push back against the nearly sociopathic desire of conservatives to destroy the welfare state. If you really want to fight poverty, they insist, you need to help folks get back on the job, not leave them at the mercy of circumstance.

Remaining undisturbed, however, is the assumption that the solution to poverty is to push as many poor people as possible into the job market — to “fix” poor folks rather than restructure the economic institutions that place them in such a quagmire. The fact that this charade of a debate often involves yelling creates the illusion that a fundamental difference is being discussed — but it’s merely the means that are being disputed.

At the same time, identifying fundamental disagreements that do exist becomes extremely difficult when one cannot even name what is being struggled over — power. For at the root of the liberal denial of conflict is the liberal denial of power. And on this falsehood, all attempts to honestly confront conflict run afoul.

To say that liberals struggle with the concept of power is so familiar that it seems like a truism at this point. Indeed, even liberals themselves — on their leftmost flank, at least — often engage in this critique. Yet as G. E. Lessing once wrote, even those who mock their chains are not always free, and even self-conscious liberals still continually ignore or downplay power.

Liberals in academia, for example, frequently find ways to avoid questions of power. Consider the last twenty years of scholarship on conservatism. While much of this work confronts power directly, the field itself implicitly rests on two questions: What in the world is conservatism about and how did it become so successful after World War II?

Indeed, some scholars are so discombobulated by these problems that when one provides what seem like obvious answers — racism, sexism, and a lopsided class struggle — they respond with disbelief that anyone could offer so reductive an assessment.

Yet the importance of such scholarship is more than just academic. For when no one is understood as protecting a position of power, strategies designed to confront that power directly are deemed illegitimate.

Direct action is characterized as undemocratic, opposition to hate speech is described as hate speech, and boycotts attempting to put pressure on Israel are attacked as dogmatic at best and antisemitic at worst.

And unsurprisingly, much shortsighted hand-wringing ensues. Such strategies are intended to call the bluff that there are no sides by explicitly, and emphatically, taking a side. Those who prefer the illusion of principled neutrality sense an implied criticism of their conduct in such a move, and respond with even more furious declarations of the infinite complexity of the question and the simplicity of those taking a stand. Defining legitimate modes of opposition, then, is not only an intellectual tendency, but also a reflexive act of self-defense.

Thus by policing the acceptable boundaries of conflict, liberals end up denying the existence of conflict altogether. Injustice, in the liberal narrative, is a product of misunderstanding, an offspring of faceless processes that no one really benefits from and only the ignorant line up in defense of.

So blind is the liberal gaze to questions of power that even something as clearly based in domination as the Jim Crow regime is recast, as in the arguments of Gunnar Myrdal, as merely an awkward and irrational contradiction in Americans’ hearts, easily corrected if exposed as incompatible with the supposedly egalitarian ethic of the “American Creed.”

In the liberal imagination, education and accommodation are self-evident solutions, since the problem can neither be understood as a matter of brute power struggles nor as a product of structural inequality fundamental to the functioning of entire institutions.

The hundreds of murals that decorate the walls of cultural centers and student resource buildings across the country attest to this narrative of victims without victimizers. We see images of people holding flags and coming together. But who they are organizing against is rarely depicted. Where are the riot cops, the angry business owners, the hedge fund managers, the anti-choice and anti-gay protesters, the Young Americans for Freedom in these montages?

In this picture book version of social justice struggle, no one ever opposes freedom’s forward march. All the oppressed need to do is rise up and assert themselves; the world they are fighting for is realized simply by the act of self-declaration.

This blind spot is strictly enforced. Activists who try to put the oppressors back in the picture are either dismissed as illegitimate, and if they still refuse to go away, are dealt with by the police and by the courts.

It makes it exceedingly difficult to hold anyone responsible for their actions. The representatives of the liberal order can always cry good intentions and open dialogue, denying that, through their behavior and affiliations, they have already taken a side that is in opposition to the interests of those who protest them.

Earlier this year the great American folk singer Pete Seeger died at the age of 95. One of Seeger’s most recognizable recordings, an old union ballad, poses a simple question: Which side are you on? In our political culture today, posing political problems so starkly has become increasingly difficult, met on the personal level with uncomfortable declarations of uncertainty and neutrality, and on the political level with the hypocritical (and yet accurate) accusation that such questions push an agenda of class war.

And despite the contributions of liberals like Stewart in exposing the bankruptcy of the Right, this crucial reality — that there are power struggles to be fought and won — was missing that day in Washington.

But what else can be expected? You can’t choose a side when liberalism insists there are no sides at all.

See also: The Difference Between Liberalism and Leftism
 

xxxbishopxxx

Rising Star
BGOL Investor

Read out loud the title of the article YOU posted and tell me why the word liberal was used to describe late night talk show.


YOUR ARTICLE USES THE WORD LIBERAL AND LIBERALISM THROUGHOUT BUT I AM NOT SUPPOSE TO USE IT?

FROM YOUR ARTICLE:

But what else can be expected? You can’t choose a side when liberalism insists there are no sides at all.


also from YOUR ARTICLE
Then Colbert transitioned to that platform (theoretically leaving his political commentary behind), Stewart bounced, Trump took power in a shock election, and we entered a third act for TV writers expected to cull humor from the state of government and its leaders. Remember, the late-night model wasn’t really built for this: Johnny Carson, presumably liberal, explicitly avoided such topics and guests of that orbit; David Letterman wrapped his opinions in a hundred layers of irony; Jay Leno remained safely noncommittal and recently complained that today’s hosts are one-sided, begging for a return to every centrist’s favorite value: “civility.” But while it’s easy as ever to hit Leno as the epitome of uncool and brush off his asinine prescription (rudeness is hardly a hindrance to good comedy), the diagnosis from which he proceeds is inescapably true:


The TV writer explains that this isn’t something most late-night talk shows are equipped to offer, at least not anymore, so long as they cling to an outmoded approach: “At this point it feels like the only reason they acknowledge Trump is because he is the news, and ignoring him would be noticeable,” he says — though that also means we’ve had our fill of him already. Who in the goddamn hell is hungry for extra Trump analysis? “I’ve honestly never understood the notion of commenting on the news in late night anyway,” he adds, “but I think it’s just a relic of a time when you might legitimately be learning about things for the first time at 11 p.m. But now, with Twitter and a million different outlets for news, late-night monologues are [hacky] by 11 a.m.”


WHY DID JIMMY FALLON'S RATINGS DROP WHEN HE CHOOSE NOT BE POLITICAL AS THIS ARTICLE SUGGESTS THAT'S WHAT HIS AUDIENCE WANTED HIM TO DO? YOU CAN'T IGNORE THE FACT THAT FALLON TREATED TRUMP LIKE A REGULAR GUEST AND HIS AUDIENCE HATED HIM FOR IT.

WHY IS SNL ON AN UPSWING AFTER ALEC BALDWIN STARTED DONG DUMB TRUMP SKITS?


These shows are fucking unwatchable.

And why are you and the writer so naive as to not understand that these talk shows are driven by ratings? Do you think the bosses of these writers would allow this to air, if people weren't watching and didn't want to see it?

The bottom line is you can can get made about the lazy writing all you want. You can get mad about the Trump bashing all you want. Until the VIEWERS get tired of it, the writing and trump bashing ain't going nowhere.
 
Last edited:

xxxbishopxxx

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
NBC Assigns Veteran Producer to Take Over Jimmy Fallon’s ‘Tonight Show’

By John Koblin

  • Oct. 24, 2018
At a crucial moment in late-night television, a new showrunner is taking over “The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon,” a onetime ratings winner that lost its lead in total viewers soon after the inauguration of President Trump.

A 27-year veteran of NBC, Jim Bell, will become the so-called executive in charge at “The Tonight Show” immediately, the network said on Wednesday.

Mr. Bell is taking over the program at a time when “The Late Show With Stephen Colbert” is not only dominating the late-night ratings, but also cutting into Mr. Fallon’s lead among a group of viewers prized by advertisers: adults between the ages of 18 and 49.

Mr. Fallon took over “The Tonight Show” from Jay Leno in 2014. His cheerful, enthusiastic style made him the leader in total viewers until the spring of 2017, when Mr. Colbert leapfrogged him in the Nielsen ratings.

Mr. Bell, a longtime executive producer of “Today,” is not only a producer but a bona fide network executive. He has a big title: president, NBC Olympics production and programming.

By installing him at “The Tonight Show,” NBC is employing a strategy that had success at CBS.

Two years ago, CBS hired Chris Licht, the executive producer of “CBS This Morning,” to take over Mr. Colbert’s then-struggling show. Like Mr. Licht in the time before he took that job, Mr. Bell has no experience in late night.


Mr. Bell will become the so-called executive in charge at “The Tonight Show” immediately, the network said Wednesday.CreditFrederick M. Brown/Getty Images
merlin_145780233_632904ab-bd92-487b-ab8f-fb31e6e3a063-articleLarge.jpg

Image
Mr. Bell will become the so-called executive in charge at “The Tonight Show” immediately, the network said Wednesday.CreditFrederick M. Brown/Getty Images
In the two and a half years since Mr. Licht started working with Mr. Colbert, the viewership for “The Late Show” has skyrocketed, while the number of people watching Mr. Fallon’s program has dropped precipitously.

At “The Late Show,” Mr. Licht helped the host play to his strengths as a political satirist, insisting that he focus on the news, which was Mr. Colbert’s bread and butter when he hosted “The Colbert Report” on Comedy Central. After Donald J. Trump entered the White House, Mr. Colbert started to build ratings momentum as Mr. Fallon lost viewers.

announced on Twitter that he was stepping down after 10 years with Mr. Fallon. Ms. Hockmeyer, who is to go on maternity leave soon, will stay on as a top producer. Mr. Bradford is expected to have a different producing role at the show.

Lorne Michaels, the creator and longtime executive producer of “Saturday Night Live,” will keep his title of executive producer of “The Tonight Show.” Mr. Michaels is also the executive producer of the program that follows it on NBC, “Late Night With Seth Meyers.”
 
Last edited:

xxxbishopxxx

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
A Sharp Decline for Jimmy Fallon’s ‘Tonight Show’

Jimmy Fallon before a taping of his “Tonight Show” on NBC. Among younger viewers, his lead over Stephen Colbert’s “Late Show” on CBS has dropped to 57,000, from about 364,000 a year ago.CreditBryan Derballa for The New York Times
29RATINGS2-1511906547527-articleLarge.jpg

Image
29RATINGS2-1511906547527-articleLarge.jpg

Jimmy Fallon before a taping of his “Tonight Show” on NBC. Among younger viewers, his lead over Stephen Colbert’s “Late Show” on CBS has dropped to 57,000, from about 364,000 a year ago.CreditCreditBryan Derballa for The New York Times


By John Koblin

  • Nov. 28, 2017
Ten months after Inauguration Day, the trend is holding: For late-night hosts, being sharply critical of President Trump is a winning strategy. And that is bad news for “The Tonight Show.”

Stephen Colbert, who has made Mr. Trump a nightly target, assumed the top position in the ratings race in February and has only increased his lead since then. His program, “The Late Show” on CBS, has taken viewers away from Jimmy Fallon, the cheerful host of NBC’s storied franchise, who has lost 21 percent of his audience year over year since the fall season began on Sept. 25. At the same time, Jimmy Kimmel has made ratings gains in the 11:35 p.m. slot on ABC.

Ever since Mr. Colbert leapfrogged Mr. Fallon in total viewers, NBC executives have emphasized that “The Tonight Show” is still the No. 1 choice of viewers in the 18-to-49-year-old group prized by advertisers.

wave of publicity and warm reviews after he dissected the legislative attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act. He made the issue personal by letting his audience in on the details of his infant son’s medical procedures for a rare heart defect.

Mr. Fallon has mostly stuck with his fun-and-games persona. While Mr. Colbert follows his monologues with earnest interviews, Mr. Fallon engages guests with game-show-like segments. During a recent episode, he led the actor Denzel Washington and the basketball star Stephen Curry in a game of tossing random objects (a butternut squash, a skateboard) into a basketball hoop. On Monday night, Mr. Fallon went behind the desk to enthusiastically promote the Amazon Echo Show for two minutes.

Mr. Fallon does deploy an impression of Mr. Trump, but it lacks bite. His inability to capitalize on the political moment has been an outlier for the network, which has had late-night ratings successes thanks to caustic sketches centered on the president on “Saturday Night Live,” not to mention Seth Meyers’s lawyerly satirical segments on “Late Night” at 12:35 a.m.

Mindful of Mr. Fallon’s sunny nature, NBC executives had hoped that Mr. Colbert’s surge in the wild early days of the Trump presidency would die down once the national mood had settled. They envisioned a time when this pair of temperamentally different hosts would trade victories week to week. But in the closing days of 2017, audiences have not returned to the network for Mr. Fallon’s wide-eyed style.

Indeed, the November numbers show Mr. Colbert widening the gap, with a lead over Mr. Fallon of 1.1 million viewers.


NBC executives remain hopeful that Mr. Fallon can find a way to hold on to the top position among younger viewers. On the upper floors at 30 Rockefeller Plaza, younger viewers are considered the coin of the television realm, and the median age for Mr. Colbert’s audience is 61, compared with 56 for “The Tonight Show.”

One sign of hope for Mr. Fallon: NBC has the rights to “Thursday Night Football” through mid-December (they belonged to CBS earlier in the season), and Mr. Fallon’s ratings soared on Thanksgiving, when his show aired after the Giants-Redskins game.
 

geechiedan

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
A Sharp Decline for Jimmy Fallon’s ‘Tonight Show’

Jimmy Fallon before a taping of his “Tonight Show” on NBC. Among younger viewers, his lead over Stephen Colbert’s “Late Show” on CBS has dropped to 57,000, from about 364,000 a year ago.CreditBryan Derballa for The New York Times
29RATINGS2-1511906547527-articleLarge.jpg

Image
29RATINGS2-1511906547527-articleLarge.jpg

Jimmy Fallon before a taping of his “Tonight Show” on NBC. Among younger viewers, his lead over Stephen Colbert’s “Late Show” on CBS has dropped to 57,000, from about 364,000 a year ago.CreditCreditBryan Derballa for The New York Times


By John Koblin

  • Nov. 28, 2017
Ten months after Inauguration Day, the trend is holding: For late-night hosts, being sharply critical of President Trump is a winning strategy. And that is bad news for “The Tonight Show.”

Stephen Colbert, who has made Mr. Trump a nightly target, assumed the top position in the ratings race in February and has only increased his lead since then. His program, “The Late Show” on CBS, has taken viewers away from Jimmy Fallon, the cheerful host of NBC’s storied franchise, who has lost 21 percent of his audience year over year since the fall season began on Sept. 25. At the same time, Jimmy Kimmel has made ratings gains in the 11:35 p.m. slot on ABC.

Ever since Mr. Colbert leapfrogged Mr. Fallon in total viewers, NBC executives have emphasized that “The Tonight Show” is still the No. 1 choice of viewers in the 18-to-49-year-old group prized by advertisers.

wave of publicity and warm reviews after he dissected the legislative attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act. He made the issue personal by letting his audience in on the details of his infant son’s medical procedures for a rare heart defect.

Mr. Fallon has mostly stuck with his fun-and-games persona. While Mr. Colbert follows his monologues with earnest interviews, Mr. Fallon engages guests with game-show-like segments. During a recent episode, he led the actor Denzel Washington and the basketball star Stephen Curry in a game of tossing random objects (a butternut squash, a skateboard) into a basketball hoop. On Monday night, Mr. Fallon went behind the desk to enthusiastically promote the Amazon Echo Show for two minutes.

Mr. Fallon does deploy an impression of Mr. Trump, but it lacks bite. His inability to capitalize on the political moment has been an outlier for the network, which has had late-night ratings successes thanks to caustic sketches centered on the president on “Saturday Night Live,” not to mention Seth Meyers’s lawyerly satirical segments on “Late Night” at 12:35 a.m.

Mindful of Mr. Fallon’s sunny nature, NBC executives had hoped that Mr. Colbert’s surge in the wild early days of the Trump presidency would die down once the national mood had settled. They envisioned a time when this pair of temperamentally different hosts would trade victories week to week. But in the closing days of 2017, audiences have not returned to the network for Mr. Fallon’s wide-eyed style.

Indeed, the November numbers show Mr. Colbert widening the gap, with a lead over Mr. Fallon of 1.1 million viewers.


NBC executives remain hopeful that Mr. Fallon can find a way to hold on to the top position among younger viewers. On the upper floors at 30 Rockefeller Plaza, younger viewers are considered the coin of the television realm, and the median age for Mr. Colbert’s audience is 61, compared with 56 for “The Tonight Show.”

One sign of hope for Mr. Fallon: NBC has the rights to “Thursday Night Football” through mid-December (they belonged to CBS earlier in the season), and Mr. Fallon’s ratings soared on Thanksgiving, when his show aired after the Giants-Redskins game.
Here's the problem with colbert, kimmel and meyers leaning so heavily into politics is that its a sugar high... they're popularity hinges on the lefts hatred for trump and right wing politics. The big problem with that is politics is cyclical...at some point the pendulum will swing to the left as it did with Obama and Clinton and then what are they going to do because they don't go nearly as hard on figures on the left as the do with right wingers. Colbert didn't find his voice and hit his stride until he started trashing trump. Have you seen what his show looked like before he went hard on politics...that shit was weak and meandering.

Late nite talk is measured in decades not short term years...carson worked that gig for 30 years ..so did letterman and leno for well over 2 decades... if colbert wants to last that long he needs to develop more material than just the low hanging fruit of bashing trump every nite.
 

xxxbishopxxx

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
Here's the problem with colbert, kimmel and meyers leaning so heavily into politics is that its a sugar high... they're popularity hinges on the lefts hatred for trump and right wing politics. The big problem with that is politics is cyclical...at some point the pendulum will swing to the left as it did with Obama and Clinton and then what are they going to do because they don't go nearly as hard on figures on the left as the do with right wingers. Colbert didn't find his voice and hit his stride until he started trashing trump. Have you seen what his show looked like before he went hard on politics...that shit was weak and meandering.

Late nite talk is measured in decades not short term years...carson worked that gig for 30 years ..so did letterman and leno for well over 2 decades... if colbert wants to last that long he needs to develop more material than just the low hanging fruit of bashing trump every nite.

Two Points:

1. just to be clear to both you and the OP, it's not that I don't understand the basis of your argument (for the record I hate trump enough that the "lazy" comedy bits don't bother me). It's just that in a ratings driven world, I am not sure nuanced balanced comedy will survive in the modern tv era (at least on network TV). Although the OP dismissed it, I thought Dennis Miller was supposed to be the guy that was supposed to be able to sell a smarter style of comedy...he just happens to be conservative (now that I think about it, he has never been on network TV as far as I can recall). I know the author mentioned John Oliver as an example of how to do it right, but he does one show a week and he's not trying to entertain you with cutesy celebrity interviews, and is not on network TV.

2. I find it interesting that both the OP and the author of the article are trying to hold television writers to a higher standard than the fucking President of the United States. Everything that the article complains about, the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES is guilty of as well. Wasn't it the President that was tweeting WWE memes? The President that constantly tells us that ANY negative news about him is FAKE news? What does that say about our society?
 

keith6

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
I particularly liked the section titled "Their Version Of Liberal Just Means Not Being White Trash."

HOW ‘LIBERAL’ LATE-NIGHT TALK SHOWS BECAME A COMEDY SINKHOLE

Miles Klee

‘Every single person in late night knows it’s a dumb factory of lazy ideas,’ one fed-up writer tells us. ‘I will never be happy with anything I make.’

In 2005, I attended the taping of what turned out to be a landmark episode of The Daily Show. The front half was the usual skewering of that day’s news, nothing too memorable — but the guest was the infamous Christopher Hitchens, a prickly proponent of the Iraq War, something the audience and host Jon Stewart regarded as a colossal mistake. While the two men on stage began their conversation with the obligatory chumminess of the late-night TV interview, it was bound to become a fierce debate on Iraq, and that’s exactly what happened: For around 20 minutes, Stewart challenged Hitchens’ excuses for a disastrous invasion, and Hitchens punched back, impressively enough that he could at one point observe the crowd had gone quiet.



It was an electrifying encounter — one of the early examples of the breathless “so-and-so DESTROYS political opponent” fare that has choked the internet in years since. When Hitchens left, Stewart more or less apologized for the intensity of their debate, joking that the production team would have a great time trying to edit it down into a coherent segment. In truth, it wasn’t that common for him to go on the offensive, and anyone in that room intuitively understood why: It may have been cathartic, and even enlightening, but it wasn’t very funny.

Talented as Stewart was (or is) at sneaking punchlines into a thorny discussion of geopolitics, those moments found him resisting a deep well of gravity created by bloody, corrupt and spiraling American empire. When you slice right into that issue, it will never be a laughing matter. The brutal reality of lives destroyed and a region in chaos cannot be domesticated for your living room.

Understandably burnt out and ready to pass the torch, Stewart left The Daily Show in 2015 and has largely kept to himself in the Trump era. This makes the demarcation between the remarkable run of The Daily Show and The Colbert Report during the Bush and Obama presidencies and the current ecosystem of late-night talk shows especially crisp. In fact, Stewart’s career tells the story of what I regard as the three phases of political consciousness within the format. He took the reins of the show in 1999, right as the comedy hacks finally ran out of bad Monica Lewinsky jokes. From there, he (and soon Stephen Colbert) walked the tightrope of cogent, biting political satire, incidentally gifting mainstream network shows with freedom to ignore or address Washington at will.

Then Colbert transitioned to that platform (theoretically leaving his political commentary behind), Stewart bounced, Trump took power in a shock election, and we entered a third act for TV writers expected to cull humor from the state of government and its leaders. Remember, the late-night model wasn’t really built for this: Johnny Carson, presumably liberal, explicitly avoided such topics and guests of that orbit; David Letterman wrapped his opinions in a hundred layers of irony; Jay Leno remained safely noncommittal and recently complained that today’s hosts are one-sided, begging for a return to every centrist’s favorite value: “civility.” But while it’s easy as ever to hit Leno as the epitome of uncool and brush off his asinine prescription (rudeness is hardly a hindrance to good comedy), the diagnosis from which he proceeds is inescapably true:

These shows are fucking unwatchable.

‘EVERYONE IS ON AUTOPILOT’
You could fairly accuse me of hating late-night talk shows long before they transformed into entertainment for Resistance Boomers who think that calling Trump “the Cheeto-in-Chief” is devastatingly clever. For me, they are a frustrating waste of awesome talent. It’s painful to watch someone like Colbert, who makes me double up in laughter with his performance in the oddball ’90s sitcom Strangers With Candy, go through the paces of yet another weeknight monologue on the president’s bald hypocrisies. Then there are the people behind the scenes, toiling at bits they know are jarringly uncomical, with no way of challenging the hierarchy that demands them.

One such writer, a man with an impressive résumé, reached out to me as I started this piece. He works at one of the major network late-night shows, and he’s despondent. (For obvious reasons, I won’t reveal his identity or other specifics on his employer.)

“I have been venting about this very shit to [a friend] for about five months now,” he writes to me in a Twitter DM. “To me, this is all because of two big things, one being that the late night writers’ rooms are all extremely homogeneous groups of cynical, miserable white comedy dudes who figure out the ‘formula’ for the show early on and then never really work harder than they need to. Which makes sense, because the other big thing is that the people who make the actual decisions on these shows are all older, white dudes who are out of touch (but don’t think they are) and are never thinking in terms of comedy or upending power or doing anything interesting with the format, they just maintain the status quo and follow a formula of ‘thing we’ve done + a celebrity = hit.’”

No doubt this was the same dynamic that gave us the first wave of late-night political hackery, when Bill Clinton’s rampant horniness and abuse of office turned into a parade of repetitive innuendo and cruel jokes at Monica Lewinsky’s expense (for which Letterman, at least, has voiced some regret). This time around, the stagnation makes for a punishingly superficial critique of Trump’s tenure and the man himself.





It’s only natural that these Trump “takedowns” would lack the substance of, say, the Stewart-Hitchens confrontation. With rare exceptions, Kimmel, Corden, Colbert, Conan, Fallon and Meyers aren’t trying to push us anywhere uncomfortable; they’re who you watch to unwind at bedtime. This means papering over much of the true horror of being alive in this country right now — migrant family separation, emboldened Nazis, environmental and kleptocratic plunder — to feast on low-hanging fruit.

“Monologue-wise, there’s just a bunch of shortcuts-to-jokes that every writer knows to hit for Trump stories now,” the exasperated TV writer tells me. “Talk about Trump loving fast food, reference a photo where he looks awful, call him orange, mention the Stormy Daniels thing (always in some not-so-thinly-veiled anti-sex-work way), say he tweets a lot, use one of his catchphrases like ‘Fake News,’ etc. Everyone’s on autopilot.”

He adds, “Trying to push any new idea, even if it’s low-risk, is a series of hurdles that almost always ends in different producers saying they ‘don’t see it,’ or shutting it down because they don’t get a reference that the entire rest of the world would get, or bristling at the idea of even mentioning race/gender/sex in any creative way that isn’t already some catchphrase on a department store T-shirt.”

In his writers’ room, he says, they don’t even have the freedom to pursue different, “evergreen” subjects, because “the Trump stuff got more engagement and sort of legitimized them as a ‘show with a point of view,’ which is nonsense. It’s really just trying to chase John Oliver.” But if they wanted to follow the model of HBO’s Last Week Tonight With John Oliver, arguably the best comedy/news hybrid of the moment, they’d have to renovate their show from top to bottom. Besides, the success of Last Week Tonight has less to do with its roasting of Trump than a willingness to wander into the weeds on arcane or poorly understood stories to make sense of America’s fundamental brokenness. You get real information there.

The TV writer explains that this isn’t something most late-night talk shows are equipped to offer, at least not anymore, so long as they cling to an outmoded approach: “At this point it feels like the only reason they acknowledge Trump is because he is the news, and ignoring him would be noticeable,” he says — though that also means we’ve had our fill of him already. Who in the goddamn hell is hungry for extra Trump analysis? “I’ve honestly never understood the notion of commenting on the news in late night anyway,” he adds, “but I think it’s just a relic of a time when you might legitimately be learning about things for the first time at 11 p.m. But now, with Twitter and a million different outlets for news, late-night monologues are [hacky] by 11 a.m.”

‘THEY’RE NOT TRYING TO BEAT THE INTERNET — JUST YOUR BORING COWORKERS’
Whereas the Lewinsky gags, abhorrent and vapid as they were, may have felt fresh to people who didn’t have the chance to make those jokes online, no lighthearted potshot at Trump taken by a late-night host will compare to the scabrously funny, unbroadcastable shit people tweet about the president 24/7. As the writer puts it, in terms of the race to land a solid blow: “They’re not trying to beat the internet, they’re still just trying to beat your boring office coworkers.”





These shows are, however, nominally online, and equally banal in that medium. These social accounts are defended with zeal by the shows’ loyalists — people with avatars of bald eagles in pink pussy hats and tenuous web literacy. When I quote-tweeted a particular groaner posted by the staff at The Late Show With Stephen Colbert, wondering if they couldn’t do better, these folks came out of the woodwork to call me a snowflake, a Trump supporter and an unfunny nobody. Some just showed up to reply with their own incoherent Trump “jokes,” and one woman, having assumed my avatar of Ben Affleck smoking was a photo of me, said to “keep puffing on the cigarette.” Lung cancer: a fine punishment for disrespecting her favorite TV show.







What motivates these weirdos? Why do they care what I think? And how did they even stumble across that tweet? It’s telling, of course, that their political identity comprises bromides and parody songs from a barely-left-of-center media machine. I can only conclude that they are the last true believers in this mealy dreck that late night is pumping out. They’re nourished and sustained by the consoling lie that Trump is an aberration of the system, not an avatar of its very nature; that everything will go back to “normal” one day, provided we keep ridiculing his hideous combover and fake tan. They are the dim bulbs who adopted Robert Mueller as a daddy figure and still defend grope-y Democrats like Al Franken and Joe Biden.

And they definitely think they’re the good guys.

‘THEIR VERSION OF LIBERAL JUST MEANS NOT BEING WHITE TRASH’
Another man in the industry (he describes himself as a “mid-level TV writer,” though not of the late-night sphere) tells me via Twitter DM that the skin-deep stabs at Trump aren’t intended to be apolitical — rather, they’re coded as courageous. “They think [joking about] ‘covfefe’ is brave,” he argues. “These are people whose version of ‘liberal’ just means not being white trash. And not calling their coworkers gay slurs.” Of course, that doesn’t stand in the way of their homophobic gloss on the Trump-Putin relationship.

This derangement presumably stems from a refusal to face the America that propelled Trump to the White House. For all they hate him, they yearn, as he does, for a “lost” country that younger generations view with skepticism. “No one wants to confront the fact that they grew up in a time that was pretty sexist and racist because then they’d have to stop being nostalgic for everything,” this writer says. “See: Aaron Sorkin.” As such, the anti-Trump Boomers — faithfully catered to by the older, more powerful figures in TV while, allegedly, the newcomers there are told to shut up and use the tired playbook, because that’s what “works” — settle into a smug superiority that lets them vent their classist contempt. That’s true of some of the hosts and writing staffs, too. “Bill Maher isn’t actually liberal, he just hates people from Alabama,” the second writer says. When I reframe that idea as “‘I shop at Whole Foods, so I’m not a reactionary,’” he replies, “[This is] the politics of 75 percent of Hollywood writers.” And so that’s the ideology served.

‘THEY’RE LITERALLY UPHOLDING THE STATUS QUO IN EVERY WAY’
The first late-night TV writer gives me the impression we probably aren’t going to break out of this bind anytime soon. The system is complacent in its abject shittiness. “I think the worst part is that every single person in late night knows it’s a dumb factory of lazy ideas,” he says. “[The host] makes fun of it, the head writers make fun of it, the staff writers watch the tapings and just lament it all. But the alternative is taking a risk, and network TV just isn’t about that. Safety is the key.” He tells me that he plans to leave the job soon. “[N]o amount of money can validate how consistently miserable it makes me feel to waste so much time, knowing I will never be happy with anything I make,” he says.

Still more dispiriting than that, he says, is his fellow creatives’ hostility to the aspirants capable of changing things for the better. He mentions his anger at writers mocking people who used the Writers Guild of America–associated hashtag #WGAStaffingBoost to seek work, “making fun of [the tweets] and reading them out loud. A bunch of privileged, white, staffed WGA writers, cackling at unemployed writers who are just trying to break into the industry but don’t have connections.” He laments this “bunch of cynical jerks who live by the law that vulnerability is embarrassing and worth looking down upon, and that they’ve gotten to where they are by just being better. No perspective to even realize how many times the [tweets] they chose to make fun of were … people saying they focus on diverse voices.”

It seems that for every youthful, fun, excitingly nonwhite talk show like Desus & Mero, there are a dozen depressingly bland legacy series whose doors are firmly closed to innovation, lacking both the means and will to do anything with Trump besides “tick off the ‘we-mentioned-him-and-said-he’s-bad’ box and move on,” as the late-night writer describes it. And so that becomes the weak standard of defiance.

Which is to say, the awful talk shows are complicit in this barbaric regime by diminishing any rebuke of it to the scope of a half-assed Alec Baldwin impression. In truth, it would be better if they didn’t mention Trump at all; that would possibly sting his ego. Alas, the not-long-for-late-night writer says, they will continue hitting him with an inflatable hammer, because a genuine crisis isn’t enough to disrupt business as usual, and these places are “full of people who think they’re doing so much better than everyone else, with no perspective to see they’re literally upholding the status quo in every way.”

Personally, I can’t find anything funny in that.

Great read..Peeno noir!!
 

geechiedan

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
Two Points:

1. just to be clear to both you and the OP, it's not that I don't understand the basis of your argument (for the record I hate trump enough that the "lazy" comedy bits don't bother me). It's just that in a ratings driven world, I am not sure nuanced balanced comedy will survive in the modern tv era (at least on network TV). Although the OP dismissed it, I thought Dennis Miller was supposed to be the guy that was supposed to be able to sell a smarter style of comedy...he just happens to be conservative (now that I think about it, he has never been on network TV as far as I can recall). I know the author mentioned John Oliver as an example of how to do it right, but he does one show a week and he's not trying to entertain you with cutesy celebrity interviews, and is not on network TV.

2. I find it interesting that both the OP and the author of the article are trying to hold television writers to a higher standard than the fucking President of the United States. Everything that the article complains about, the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES is guilty of as well. Wasn't it the President that was tweeting WWE memes? The President that constantly tells us that ANY negative news about him is FAKE news? What does that say about our society?
totally agree with you...we're on the same side.

I'm just looking at this from the colbert vs fallon angle that everyone keeps doing and the metric being used is just wrong. Colbert's leading in the ratings NOW but in the long run..his schtick doesn't hold up. And if I were team fallon (and I'm not) I wouldn't be too concerned.
 

xxxbishopxxx

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
this chick built a youtube empire on mocking asian stereotypes

 
Top