Official Protest Thread...
- Thread starter Camille
- Start date
A special shout out to the "both parties are the same so voting doesn't matter crowd". Without your help, this wouldn't be possible.
One of the effects of racial segregation is that it fractures reality, so that the daily occurrences of one world can be entirely invisible, even fantastic, to another. When the town of Ferguson, Missouri, erupted in protest during the summer of 2014, in the aftermath of Michael Brown’s shooting at the hands of police officer Darren Wilson, millions of Americans were shocked, both at the ferocity of the demonstrations, and the brutal, militaristic response of local police.
To many white Americans, the world Ferguson residents described to reporters must have seemed preposterous––a violent klepto-state where black residents were bled dry by the municipal government and frequently abused and treated with contempt by an unaccountable police force. In turn, Ferguson’s black residents radiated frustration with a country that seemed in disbelief about what they had seen, heard, felt, and very literally paid for in more ways than one.
In March 2015, the civil-rights division of the Justice Department published the results of a months-long investigation into Ferguson, uncovering a municipal government that saw the criminalization of its own residents as a source of revenue, with city officials even directing police to produce increases in court fees for infractions like “manner of walking in roadway” and “failure to comply.” The report described how the municipal government saw the town’s black residents “less as constituents to be protected than as potential offenders and sources of revenue,” and the police force itself as a kind of armed “collection agency.”
Among the crucial contributions of the report was documenting a little acknowledged fact of life for the modern American poor: Any encounter with law enforcement can set in motion a series of events that can devastate the already precarious livelihoods of those with meager resources, something you are far more likely to experience if you are black.
The federal government’s authority to investigate and oversee reforms in local police departments comes from a law passed in the aftermath of the 1991 beating of Rodney King by four Los Angeles police officers, and their subsequent acquittal, despite video evidence showing cops striking a dazed and helpless King repeatedly with batons. Then as now, many viewers were shocked by a vivid representation of police brutality faced by black Americans, while others refused to see any problem worth addressing at all.
The purpose of that law was to address systemic problems in police departments that could lead to such incidents, by giving the federal government the power to investigate local authorities for systemic problems, then enter into court-enforced agreements known as “consent decrees” to compel changes if necessary. On March 31, Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who was cynically sold by his defenders as a champion of civil rights, ordered a review of the Justice Department’s approach to policing, asserting that “it is not the responsibility of the federal government to manage non-federal law enforcement agencies.” During his confirmation hearing, Sessions said federal investigations of police departments were bad for “morale,” and waved away the idea that police abuses could be systemic, rather than the actions of a few bad apples.
As attorney general, Sessions said he read a summary, but not the full Ferguson report, which found that “95% of Manner of Walking charges; 94% of all Fail to Comply charges; 92% of all Resisting Arrest charges; 92% of all Peace Disturbance charges; and 89% of all Failure to Obey charges” were filed against black residents. But on the basis of the summary alone, Sessions concluded that the report was “pretty anecdotal” and “not scientifically based.”
The refusal to believe police abuse could be systemic rather than individual is, in the aftermath of all the data collected by the very agency Sessions now leads, a form of denial. Nor can Sessions’s decision be justified by the familiar excuse that police reforms lead to higher crime rates—the notion that “it is not the responsibility of the federal government to manage non-federal law enforcement agencies,” is a normative standard that would eschew federal oversight of local police regardless of the crime rate or the gravity of any abuse that might occur.
The Obama-era Justice Department’s report on Ferguson did more than simply outline the abuses of a local government and its police force—it served as a crucial and near-unimpeachable witness to the abuse of black Americans by entities meant to protect and represent them. Ferguson was hardly the only city where such dynamics persisted as a haunting echo of Jim Crow—in big cities all over the country, black Americans daily confront both the painful consequences of street crime and the terrifying possibility of violence at the hands of agents of the state sworn to protect them.
Until Ferguson, that reality, fractured and hidden from many white Americans, was for the most part safely buried under a false narrative of unimpeded racial progress. Far from heralding the beginning of a post-racial America, the Obama-era civil-rights division helped uncover how America’s balkanization had limited both progress and recognition of ongoing racial inequality. It helped compel the country to reconcile its fractured realities.
In Baltimore, where Freddie Gray died of a near-severed spinal cord after a ride in a police van, the Justice Department found that the police “deployed a policing strategy that, by its design, led to differential enforcement in African-American communities.” The BPD rarely investigated uses of force: It examined 10 out of 2,818 in the six-year period reviewed by the department, and only found one to be excessive. It found that officers violated the First Amendment by “frequently” detaining or arresting “members of the public for engaging in speech the officers perceive to be critical or disrespectful.”
In Chicago, where Laquan McDonald was gunned down by a police officer who emptied his weapon as McDonald lay on the ground, the Justice Department found a police department indifferent to the use of racial epithets by its officers and uninterested in investigating uses of force, even when done in violation of the department’s own guidelines. The report concluded that “CPD has tolerated racially discriminatory conduct that not only undermines police legitimacy, but also contributes to the pattern of unreasonable force.” Officers who engaged in misconduct often remained cops “when they should have been relieved of duty.”
Court-supervised reforms of police departments in those cities are now in peril.
Too often, the only power capable of compelling police departments to engage in widespread, systemic reforms is the federal government. “It is not the responsibility of the federal government to manage non-federal law enforcement agencies,” is an expression of conservative ideology; it is also an abdication of a responsibility only the federal government can meet. It is ignoring a crime by refusing to collect the evidence.
Sessions’s memo reads as an announcement that it is no longer the business of the federal government if American citizens’ rights are violated by those sworn to protect them and empowered with lethal force to do so. When local governments violate the basic constitutional rights of citizens, Americans are supposed to be able to look to the federal government to protect those rights. Sessions has made clear that when it comes to police abuses, they’re now on their own. This is the principle at the heart of “law and order” rhetoric: The authorities themselves are bound by neither.
Among the most profound accomplishments of the Justice Department’s reports were the simple documentation and official acknowledgment of the lived realities of millions of ordinary Americans. By pulling back now, it begins to redraw the barriers between worlds that were briefly shattered by the protests of the past few years. It does not ensure that there will be no more victims of systemic police abuse, only that other Americans are less likely to hear them.
One of the effects of racial segregation is that it fractures reality, so that the daily occurrences of one world can be entirely invisible, even fantastic, to another. When the town of Ferguson, Missouri, erupted in protest during the summer of 2014, in the aftermath of Michael Brown’s shooting at the hands of police officer Darren Wilson, millions of Americans were shocked, both at the ferocity of the demonstrations, and the brutal, militaristic response of local police.
To many white Americans, the world Ferguson residents described to reporters must have seemed preposterous––a violent klepto-state where black residents were bled dry by the municipal government and frequently abused and treated with contempt by an unaccountable police force. In turn, Ferguson’s black residents radiated frustration with a country that seemed in disbelief about what they had seen, heard, felt, and very literally paid for in more ways than one.
In March 2015, the civil-rights division of the Justice Department published the results of a months-long investigation into Ferguson, uncovering a municipal government that saw the criminalization of its own residents as a source of revenue, with city officials even directing police to produce increases in court fees for infractions like “manner of walking in roadway” and “failure to comply.” The report described how the municipal government saw the town’s black residents “less as constituents to be protected than as potential offenders and sources of revenue,” and the police force itself as a kind of armed “collection agency.”
Among the crucial contributions of the report was documenting a little acknowledged fact of life for the modern American poor: Any encounter with law enforcement can set in motion a series of events that can devastate the already precarious livelihoods of those with meager resources, something you are far more likely to experience if you are black.
The federal government’s authority to investigate and oversee reforms in local police departments comes from a law passed in the aftermath of the 1991 beating of Rodney King by four Los Angeles police officers, and their subsequent acquittal, despite video evidence showing cops striking a dazed and helpless King repeatedly with batons. Then as now, many viewers were shocked by a vivid representation of police brutality faced by black Americans, while others refused to see any problem worth addressing at all.
The purpose of that law was to address systemic problems in police departments that could lead to such incidents, by giving the federal government the power to investigate local authorities for systemic problems, then enter into court-enforced agreements known as “consent decrees” to compel changes if necessary. On March 31, Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who was cynically sold by his defenders as a champion of civil rights, ordered a review of the Justice Department’s approach to policing, asserting that “it is not the responsibility of the federal government to manage non-federal law enforcement agencies.” During his confirmation hearing, Sessions said federal investigations of police departments were bad for “morale,” and waved away the idea that police abuses could be systemic, rather than the actions of a few bad apples.
As attorney general, Sessions said he read a summary, but not the full Ferguson report, which found that “95% of Manner of Walking charges; 94% of all Fail to Comply charges; 92% of all Resisting Arrest charges; 92% of all Peace Disturbance charges; and 89% of all Failure to Obey charges” were filed against black residents. But on the basis of the summary alone, Sessions concluded that the report was “pretty anecdotal” and “not scientifically based.”
The refusal to believe police abuse could be systemic rather than individual is, in the aftermath of all the data collected by the very agency Sessions now leads, a form of denial. Nor can Sessions’s decision be justified by the familiar excuse that police reforms lead to higher crime rates—the notion that “it is not the responsibility of the federal government to manage non-federal law enforcement agencies,” is a normative standard that would eschew federal oversight of local police regardless of the crime rate or the gravity of any abuse that might occur.
The Obama-era Justice Department’s report on Ferguson did more than simply outline the abuses of a local government and its police force—it served as a crucial and near-unimpeachable witness to the abuse of black Americans by entities meant to protect and represent them. Ferguson was hardly the only city where such dynamics persisted as a haunting echo of Jim Crow—in big cities all over the country, black Americans daily confront both the painful consequences of street crime and the terrifying possibility of violence at the hands of agents of the state sworn to protect them.
Until Ferguson, that reality, fractured and hidden from many white Americans, was for the most part safely buried under a false narrative of unimpeded racial progress. Far from heralding the beginning of a post-racial America, the Obama-era civil-rights division helped uncover how America’s balkanization had limited both progress and recognition of ongoing racial inequality. It helped compel the country to reconcile its fractured realities.
In Baltimore, where Freddie Gray died of a near-severed spinal cord after a ride in a police van, the Justice Department found that the police “deployed a policing strategy that, by its design, led to differential enforcement in African-American communities.” The BPD rarely investigated uses of force: It examined 10 out of 2,818 in the six-year period reviewed by the department, and only found one to be excessive. It found that officers violated the First Amendment by “frequently” detaining or arresting “members of the public for engaging in speech the officers perceive to be critical or disrespectful.”
In Chicago, where Laquan McDonald was gunned down by a police officer who emptied his weapon as McDonald lay on the ground, the Justice Department found a police department indifferent to the use of racial epithets by its officers and uninterested in investigating uses of force, even when done in violation of the department’s own guidelines. The report concluded that “CPD has tolerated racially discriminatory conduct that not only undermines police legitimacy, but also contributes to the pattern of unreasonable force.” Officers who engaged in misconduct often remained cops “when they should have been relieved of duty.”
Court-supervised reforms of police departments in those cities are now in peril.
Too often, the only power capable of compelling police departments to engage in widespread, systemic reforms is the federal government. “It is not the responsibility of the federal government to manage non-federal law enforcement agencies,” is an expression of conservative ideology; it is also an abdication of a responsibility only the federal government can meet. It is ignoring a crime by refusing to collect the evidence.
Sessions’s memo reads as an announcement that it is no longer the business of the federal government if American citizens’ rights are violated by those sworn to protect them and empowered with lethal force to do so. When local governments violate the basic constitutional rights of citizens, Americans are supposed to be able to look to the federal government to protect those rights. Sessions has made clear that when it comes to police abuses, they’re now on their own. This is the principle at the heart of “law and order” rhetoric: The authorities themselves are bound by neither.
Among the most profound accomplishments of the Justice Department’s reports were the simple documentation and official acknowledgment of the lived realities of millions of ordinary Americans. By pulling back now, it begins to redraw the barriers between worlds that were briefly shattered by the protests of the past few years. It does not ensure that there will be no more victims of systemic police abuse, only that other Americans are less likely to hear them.
11 self-help books written by black people that will get you through anything
When you're in the midst of a transition, whether it's career, relationship, finances or all of the above, sometimes it's helpful to hear a word from an expert or someone who has already been where you're trying to go. Although the term 'self-help' can sometimes come across as corny or preachy, the following black authors have woven humorous, poignant and super-relatable stories to help you get your life. Here are 11 self-help books to help you through any situation.
1. Naked: Black Women Bare All About Their Skin, Hair, Hips, Lips, and Other Parts edited by Ayana Byrd and Akiba Solomon
Photo: Amazon
Who hasn't struggled with body image at some point? This collection of essays tells the stories of black women who are learning to love every inch of their round, tall, brown, bright and perfectly imperfect bodies.
2. The Happy Vegan: A Guide to Living a Long, Healthy, and Successful Life by Russell Simmons
Photo: amazon.com
Thinking of going vegan? The original hip-hop mogul drops knowledge in this inspiring guide on the benefits of conscious eating and veganism.
3. The Misadventures of Awkward Black girl by Issa Rae
Photo: awkwardblackgirl.com
For all you introverts out there, let Issa Rae help you find the humor in your awkwardness. This collection of essays will inspire you to embrace the idea of navigating the world as an introverted black woman.
4. Standing In the Shadows by John Head
Photo: amazon.com
Depression is not a game. This book deals with the depths of black men’s buried mental and emotional pain with a cultural analysis of how the illness is perceived in the black community—and why nobody wants to talk about it.
5. The One Week Budget by Tiffany 'The Budgetnista' Aliche
Photo: Amazon
This lesson in financial literacy from Budgetnista will help you get your money right.
6. Greatness is Upon You by Eric Thomas
Photo: etinspires.com
If you need a fiery personal hype-man to energize you toward your goals, Eric Thomas is the guru for you.
7. Year of Yes by Shonda Rhimes
Photo: eurthisnthat.com
Even gladiators need help stepping out of their comfort zones from time to time. If you're an overachiever struggling to find balance, let Shonda show you how it's done.
8. Black Pearls: Daily Meditations, Affirmations, and Inspirations for African-Americans by Eric V. Copage
Photo: amazon.com
Nothing like a good ole' inspirational quote for a quick burst of motivation. Begin each day with entries ranging from African proverbs to wisdom from Oprah.
9. The Broke Diaries by Angela Nissel
Photo: angelanissel.com
If you are a cash poor undergrad, this hilarious day-to-day chronicle of one college students adventures in broke-assness is sure to make you feel better about your life.
10. Too Heavy a Load: Black Women in Defense of Themselves, 1894-1994 by Deborah Gray White
Photo: Goodreads.com
Struggling to navigate the realities of racism and sexism? You aren't the first. This book documents a century of black women, from Ida B. Wells to Anita Hill, who have championed their own defense amidst gender and race politics.
11. The Conversation: How Men and Women Can Build Loving, Trusting Relationships by Hill Harper
Photo: Amazon
Ready for a meaningful relationship? Let Hill Harper coach you through some of the challenges facing black love within the context of the African-American experience.
https://21ninety.com/self-help-books-written-by-black-people-that-will-get-you-through-anything?
When you're in the midst of a transition, whether it's career, relationship, finances or all of the above, sometimes it's helpful to hear a word from an expert or someone who has already been where you're trying to go. Although the term 'self-help' can sometimes come across as corny or preachy, the following black authors have woven humorous, poignant and super-relatable stories to help you get your life. Here are 11 self-help books to help you through any situation.
1. Naked: Black Women Bare All About Their Skin, Hair, Hips, Lips, and Other Parts edited by Ayana Byrd and Akiba Solomon
Who hasn't struggled with body image at some point? This collection of essays tells the stories of black women who are learning to love every inch of their round, tall, brown, bright and perfectly imperfect bodies.
2. The Happy Vegan: A Guide to Living a Long, Healthy, and Successful Life by Russell Simmons
Thinking of going vegan? The original hip-hop mogul drops knowledge in this inspiring guide on the benefits of conscious eating and veganism.
3. The Misadventures of Awkward Black girl by Issa Rae
For all you introverts out there, let Issa Rae help you find the humor in your awkwardness. This collection of essays will inspire you to embrace the idea of navigating the world as an introverted black woman.
4. Standing In the Shadows by John Head
Depression is not a game. This book deals with the depths of black men’s buried mental and emotional pain with a cultural analysis of how the illness is perceived in the black community—and why nobody wants to talk about it.
5. The One Week Budget by Tiffany 'The Budgetnista' Aliche
This lesson in financial literacy from Budgetnista will help you get your money right.
6. Greatness is Upon You by Eric Thomas
If you need a fiery personal hype-man to energize you toward your goals, Eric Thomas is the guru for you.
7. Year of Yes by Shonda Rhimes
Even gladiators need help stepping out of their comfort zones from time to time. If you're an overachiever struggling to find balance, let Shonda show you how it's done.
8. Black Pearls: Daily Meditations, Affirmations, and Inspirations for African-Americans by Eric V. Copage
Nothing like a good ole' inspirational quote for a quick burst of motivation. Begin each day with entries ranging from African proverbs to wisdom from Oprah.
9. The Broke Diaries by Angela Nissel
If you are a cash poor undergrad, this hilarious day-to-day chronicle of one college students adventures in broke-assness is sure to make you feel better about your life.
10. Too Heavy a Load: Black Women in Defense of Themselves, 1894-1994 by Deborah Gray White
Struggling to navigate the realities of racism and sexism? You aren't the first. This book documents a century of black women, from Ida B. Wells to Anita Hill, who have championed their own defense amidst gender and race politics.
11. The Conversation: How Men and Women Can Build Loving, Trusting Relationships by Hill Harper
Ready for a meaningful relationship? Let Hill Harper coach you through some of the challenges facing black love within the context of the African-American experience.
https://21ninety.com/self-help-books-written-by-black-people-that-will-get-you-through-anything?
Drawing Up an Urban Planning Manual for Chicago Teens
The graphic novel No Small Plans aims to empower the city’s youth through stories about their neighborhoods.
In this image from "No Small Plans," a character makes his way to the intersection of State and Madison Streets in 1928 Chicago. (Courtesy of the Chicago Architecture Foundation)
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Two years ago, Gabrielle Lyon, the vice president of education and experience at the Chicago Architecture Foundation, started using Wacker’s Manual, a 1911 textbook fashioned from Daniel Burnham’s 1909 plan of Chicago, with CAF’s teen fellows—local high school students who attend weekend sessions on the built environment and intern with architects, planners, and designers.“It was a hit,” says Lyon. “And it was immediately clear to me that teens are already urban planners if they grow up in a city. They know what works and what doesn’t.” She noticed, for instance, that the students were quick to assess neighborhood features such as walkability, or critique unequal distribution of public transport.
Wacker’s Manual was taught in Chicago’s eighth-grade civics classes until the late 1930s. While it was revised a number of times, its goal remained the same: To get young Chicagoans excited about Burnham’s big vision to bring order, efficiency, and hygiene to the metropolis through such elements as a public lakefront, wider roads, and a highway system. Ultimately, the guide aimed to inspire kids to act as stewards of the city.CAF’s teen fellows wondered why there wasn’t a manual like it today—as did Lyon. She decided tobring some structure to young urbanites’ planning instincts through a new book project: a graphic novel.
Dubbed No Small Plans, the book chronicles young people’s adventures in Chicago neighborhoods of the past, present, and future. Like Wacker’s Manual, it will also be taught in the city’s public schools.
Chicago Architecture Foundation teen fellows give feedback on illustrations for the graphic novel, No Small Plans. (Courtesy of the Chicago Architecture Foundation)
Lyon sought the advice of the teen fellows as she developed the novel’s plot and illustrations with the Eyes of the Cat artist collective, a group founded by the artist Devin Mawdsley and comprised of teachers and a graduate from the Chicago High School for the Arts: Kayce Bayer, Chris Lin, and Deon Reed. The result is a beautifully drawn, three-part volume that recounts stories of Chicago teenagers in the years 1928, 2017, and 2211.
In the first section, set in the past, three friends of different races and classes encounter discrimination from passersby when theyattempt to spend an afternoon together downtown. The second section, based in the present, addresses issues of gentrification, affordable housing, and zoning through the story of a girl who is being evicted from her home. Five teenagers work on Chicago’s City Planning Council in the third section, set in the future, and are tasked with reviewing developer proposals for a neighborhood. To make good decisions, they realize they must personally engage with the community to find out what it needs. Each chapter ends with a map of the area featured, as well as a brief narrative about Burnham and the challenges of urban planning.
“Our novel is about who decides to build, and how decisions get made.”
Wacker’s Manual and No Small Plans are both driven by questions of what makes a city or neighborhood livable, and they are similarly interested in fostering a sense of guardianship of Chicago among young readers. Yet they approach these questions and goal differently—and not only in terms of the form they take. “Burnham and other city planners of his time were mainly thinking about what to build and where,” says Lyon. “Our novel is about who decides to build, and how decisions get made.”
Vistas of Chicago as it looked in the early 20th century can be found in the first section of the novel, set in 1928. (Courtesy of the Chicago Architecture Foundation)
An understanding of who is behind city planning and building is particularly important for students of color, as well as those who come from poor families and families in which English is a second language. These teens often attend schools that are under-resourced, with no government or economics classes and few opportunities to interface with public officials or participate in civic life, says Lyon. As adults, they are less likely to vote, call elected officials, or engage in collective activism. This has real consequences: Lyon notes that studies have shown, for instance, that senators generally vote according to the policy preferences of the (often wealthy) constituents who contact them or otherwise push their agenda.
No Small Plans addresses this gap by breaking down barriers to knowledge about how cities work and helping students develop a civic identity. CAF recently launched a Kickstarter campaign to offset the cost of printing 5,000 copies that it will provide to teens for free this fall through teachers, schools, and libraries. (Thirty thousand gratis copies will ultimately be distributed over the next three years.) Since Illinois recently passed a civic education graduation requirement for public high schools, it will likely be widely used.
The protagonists of the novel’s second section, set in the present, hang out on the 606, an abandoned rail line turned recreational trail. (Courtesy of the Chicago Architecture Foundation)
The foundation also has a broader strategy to get teens involved in urban planning and civic life. It is working with Chicago teachers to plan experiences that would accompany reading the book, such as a visit to an alderman’s office or attending a town hall meeting. CAF will also work with the city’s public libraries to train youth librarians, especially in neighborhoods featured in the novel, to use No Small Plans as an educational tool.
“The hoped-for outcome is to embed No Small Plans as part of Chicago’s formal teaching and learning for many years to come,” says Lyon. “We want to be the Wacker’s Manual for the 21st century.”
https://www.citylab.com/navigator/2...on-no-small-plans-graphic-novel-teens/521802/
The graphic novel No Small Plans aims to empower the city’s youth through stories about their neighborhoods.
In this image from "No Small Plans," a character makes his way to the intersection of State and Madison Streets in 1928 Chicago. (Courtesy of the Chicago Architecture Foundation)
Love CityLab? Make sure you're signed up for our free e-mail newsletter.
Two years ago, Gabrielle Lyon, the vice president of education and experience at the Chicago Architecture Foundation, started using Wacker’s Manual, a 1911 textbook fashioned from Daniel Burnham’s 1909 plan of Chicago, with CAF’s teen fellows—local high school students who attend weekend sessions on the built environment and intern with architects, planners, and designers.“It was a hit,” says Lyon. “And it was immediately clear to me that teens are already urban planners if they grow up in a city. They know what works and what doesn’t.” She noticed, for instance, that the students were quick to assess neighborhood features such as walkability, or critique unequal distribution of public transport.
Wacker’s Manual was taught in Chicago’s eighth-grade civics classes until the late 1930s. While it was revised a number of times, its goal remained the same: To get young Chicagoans excited about Burnham’s big vision to bring order, efficiency, and hygiene to the metropolis through such elements as a public lakefront, wider roads, and a highway system. Ultimately, the guide aimed to inspire kids to act as stewards of the city.CAF’s teen fellows wondered why there wasn’t a manual like it today—as did Lyon. She decided tobring some structure to young urbanites’ planning instincts through a new book project: a graphic novel.
Dubbed No Small Plans, the book chronicles young people’s adventures in Chicago neighborhoods of the past, present, and future. Like Wacker’s Manual, it will also be taught in the city’s public schools.
Chicago Architecture Foundation teen fellows give feedback on illustrations for the graphic novel, No Small Plans. (Courtesy of the Chicago Architecture Foundation)
Lyon sought the advice of the teen fellows as she developed the novel’s plot and illustrations with the Eyes of the Cat artist collective, a group founded by the artist Devin Mawdsley and comprised of teachers and a graduate from the Chicago High School for the Arts: Kayce Bayer, Chris Lin, and Deon Reed. The result is a beautifully drawn, three-part volume that recounts stories of Chicago teenagers in the years 1928, 2017, and 2211.
In the first section, set in the past, three friends of different races and classes encounter discrimination from passersby when theyattempt to spend an afternoon together downtown. The second section, based in the present, addresses issues of gentrification, affordable housing, and zoning through the story of a girl who is being evicted from her home. Five teenagers work on Chicago’s City Planning Council in the third section, set in the future, and are tasked with reviewing developer proposals for a neighborhood. To make good decisions, they realize they must personally engage with the community to find out what it needs. Each chapter ends with a map of the area featured, as well as a brief narrative about Burnham and the challenges of urban planning.
“Our novel is about who decides to build, and how decisions get made.”
Wacker’s Manual and No Small Plans are both driven by questions of what makes a city or neighborhood livable, and they are similarly interested in fostering a sense of guardianship of Chicago among young readers. Yet they approach these questions and goal differently—and not only in terms of the form they take. “Burnham and other city planners of his time were mainly thinking about what to build and where,” says Lyon. “Our novel is about who decides to build, and how decisions get made.”
Vistas of Chicago as it looked in the early 20th century can be found in the first section of the novel, set in 1928. (Courtesy of the Chicago Architecture Foundation)
An understanding of who is behind city planning and building is particularly important for students of color, as well as those who come from poor families and families in which English is a second language. These teens often attend schools that are under-resourced, with no government or economics classes and few opportunities to interface with public officials or participate in civic life, says Lyon. As adults, they are less likely to vote, call elected officials, or engage in collective activism. This has real consequences: Lyon notes that studies have shown, for instance, that senators generally vote according to the policy preferences of the (often wealthy) constituents who contact them or otherwise push their agenda.
No Small Plans addresses this gap by breaking down barriers to knowledge about how cities work and helping students develop a civic identity. CAF recently launched a Kickstarter campaign to offset the cost of printing 5,000 copies that it will provide to teens for free this fall through teachers, schools, and libraries. (Thirty thousand gratis copies will ultimately be distributed over the next three years.) Since Illinois recently passed a civic education graduation requirement for public high schools, it will likely be widely used.
The protagonists of the novel’s second section, set in the present, hang out on the 606, an abandoned rail line turned recreational trail. (Courtesy of the Chicago Architecture Foundation)
The foundation also has a broader strategy to get teens involved in urban planning and civic life. It is working with Chicago teachers to plan experiences that would accompany reading the book, such as a visit to an alderman’s office or attending a town hall meeting. CAF will also work with the city’s public libraries to train youth librarians, especially in neighborhoods featured in the novel, to use No Small Plans as an educational tool.
“The hoped-for outcome is to embed No Small Plans as part of Chicago’s formal teaching and learning for many years to come,” says Lyon. “We want to be the Wacker’s Manual for the 21st century.”
https://www.citylab.com/navigator/2...on-no-small-plans-graphic-novel-teens/521802/
cool
cool, I met Wendell Pierce before at a convention in New Orleans, he's a cool down to earth brotha.
2017 Pulitzer Prize Winners: 4 black writers take home the coveted award
The Pulitzer Prize committee announced its 2017 winners at its 101st annual ceremony on Monday. Among the 21 winners of the prestigious literary award, four black writers were commended for their work.
BuzzFeed News' executive editor Saeed Jones tweeted that Tyehimba Jess, Hilton Als, Lynn Nottage and Colson Whitehead were among the new class of winners from the letters, drama and music category.
Jess won the Pulitzer Prize in poetry forOlio, a collection of his sonnets, songs and narratives that highlight the lives of "unrecorded African-American performers" before the Civil War up to World War I.
Hilton AlsSource: Thos Robinson/Getty Images
Als, a theater critic for the New Yorker, won a Pulitzer Prize in criticism. His work often furthers discussions on the intersections of theater, race, identity, sexuality and class in the United States. This can be seen in his January 2016 review of Broadway musical DreamGirls, which was one of his 10 pieces that were reviewed before awarding Als the award.
Lynn NottageSource: Seth Wenig/AP
Nottage won the Pulitzer Prize in drama for her Broadway show Sweat. The play, a political drama, centers on a group of friends who spent most of their lives working with each other in a factory and follows their friendship's tumultuous friendship as rumors of layoffs begin to stir. According to Playbill, Nottage is the first female playwright to win the Pulitzer Prize twice. Nottage tweeted out thank yous for her award.
Lastly, Whitehead won the Pulitzer Prize in fiction for his 2016 novel The Underground Railroad. The novel tells the story of a teenage heroine, Cora, in 1850s Georgia who tries to escape a cotton plantation and start her journey toward freedom.
Colson WhiteheadSource: Amy Sussman/Getty Images
The Pulitzer Prize committee praised The Underground Railroadfor "a smart melding of realism and allegory that combines the violence of slavery and the drama of escape in a myth that speaks to contemporary America."
https://mic.com/articles/173731/201...riters-take-home-the-coveted-award#.xiwYnszt7
The Pulitzer Prize committee announced its 2017 winners at its 101st annual ceremony on Monday. Among the 21 winners of the prestigious literary award, four black writers were commended for their work.
BuzzFeed News' executive editor Saeed Jones tweeted that Tyehimba Jess, Hilton Als, Lynn Nottage and Colson Whitehead were among the new class of winners from the letters, drama and music category.
Jess won the Pulitzer Prize in poetry forOlio, a collection of his sonnets, songs and narratives that highlight the lives of "unrecorded African-American performers" before the Civil War up to World War I.
Hilton AlsSource: Thos Robinson/Getty Images
Als, a theater critic for the New Yorker, won a Pulitzer Prize in criticism. His work often furthers discussions on the intersections of theater, race, identity, sexuality and class in the United States. This can be seen in his January 2016 review of Broadway musical DreamGirls, which was one of his 10 pieces that were reviewed before awarding Als the award.
Lynn NottageSource: Seth Wenig/AP
Nottage won the Pulitzer Prize in drama for her Broadway show Sweat. The play, a political drama, centers on a group of friends who spent most of their lives working with each other in a factory and follows their friendship's tumultuous friendship as rumors of layoffs begin to stir. According to Playbill, Nottage is the first female playwright to win the Pulitzer Prize twice. Nottage tweeted out thank yous for her award.
Lastly, Whitehead won the Pulitzer Prize in fiction for his 2016 novel The Underground Railroad. The novel tells the story of a teenage heroine, Cora, in 1850s Georgia who tries to escape a cotton plantation and start her journey toward freedom.
Colson WhiteheadSource: Amy Sussman/Getty Images
The Pulitzer Prize committee praised The Underground Railroadfor "a smart melding of realism and allegory that combines the violence of slavery and the drama of escape in a myth that speaks to contemporary America."
https://mic.com/articles/173731/201...riters-take-home-the-coveted-award#.xiwYnszt7
2017 Pulitzer Prize Winners: 4 black writers take home the coveted award
The Pulitzer Prize committee announced its 2017 winners at its 101st annual ceremony on Monday. Among the 21 winners of the prestigious literary award, four black writers were commended for their work.
BuzzFeed News' executive editor Saeed Jones tweeted that Tyehimba Jess, Hilton Als, Lynn Nottage and Colson Whitehead were among the new class of winners from the letters, drama and music category.
Jess won the Pulitzer Prize in poetry forOlio, a collection of his sonnets, songs and narratives that highlight the lives of "unrecorded African-American performers" before the Civil War up to World War I.
Hilton AlsSource: Thos Robinson/Getty Images
Als, a theater critic for the New Yorker, won a Pulitzer Prize in criticism. His work often furthers discussions on the intersections of theater, race, identity, sexuality and class in the United States. This can be seen in his January 2016 review of Broadway musical DreamGirls, which was one of his 10 pieces that were reviewed before awarding Als the award.
Lynn NottageSource: Seth Wenig/AP
Nottage won the Pulitzer Prize in drama for her Broadway show Sweat. The play, a political drama, centers on a group of friends who spent most of their lives working with each other in a factory and follows their friendship's tumultuous friendship as rumors of layoffs begin to stir. According to Playbill, Nottage is the first female playwright to win the Pulitzer Prize twice. Nottage tweeted out thank yous for her award.
Lastly, Whitehead won the Pulitzer Prize in fiction for his 2016 novel The Underground Railroad. The novel tells the story of a teenage heroine, Cora, in 1850s Georgia who tries to escape a cotton plantation and start her journey toward freedom.
Colson WhiteheadSource: Amy Sussman/Getty Images
The Pulitzer Prize committee praised The Underground Railroadfor "a smart melding of realism and allegory that combines the violence of slavery and the drama of escape in a myth that speaks to contemporary America."
https://mic.com/articles/173731/201...riters-take-home-the-coveted-award#.xiwYnszt7
cool, proud of them.
11 self-help books written by black people that will get you through anything
When you're in the midst of a transition, whether it's career, relationship, finances or all of the above, sometimes it's helpful to hear a word from an expert or someone who has already been where you're trying to go. Although the term 'self-help' can sometimes come across as corny or preachy, the following black authors have woven humorous, poignant and super-relatable stories to help you get your life. Here are 11 self-help books to help you through any situation.
1. Naked: Black Women Bare All About Their Skin, Hair, Hips, Lips, and Other Parts edited by Ayana Byrd and Akiba Solomon
Photo: Amazon
Who hasn't struggled with body image at some point? This collection of essays tells the stories of black women who are learning to love every inch of their round, tall, brown, bright and perfectly imperfect bodies.
2. The Happy Vegan: A Guide to Living a Long, Healthy, and Successful Life by Russell Simmons
Photo: amazon.com
Thinking of going vegan? The original hip-hop mogul drops knowledge in this inspiring guide on the benefits of conscious eating and veganism.
3. The Misadventures of Awkward Black girl by Issa Rae
Photo: awkwardblackgirl.com
For all you introverts out there, let Issa Rae help you find the humor in your awkwardness. This collection of essays will inspire you to embrace the idea of navigating the world as an introverted black woman.
4. Standing In the Shadows by John Head
Photo: amazon.com
Depression is not a game. This book deals with the depths of black men’s buried mental and emotional pain with a cultural analysis of how the illness is perceived in the black community—and why nobody wants to talk about it.
5. The One Week Budget by Tiffany 'The Budgetnista' Aliche
Photo: Amazon
This lesson in financial literacy from Budgetnista will help you get your money right.
6. Greatness is Upon You by Eric Thomas
Photo: etinspires.com
If you need a fiery personal hype-man to energize you toward your goals, Eric Thomas is the guru for you.
7. Year of Yes by Shonda Rhimes
Photo: eurthisnthat.com
Even gladiators need help stepping out of their comfort zones from time to time. If you're an overachiever struggling to find balance, let Shonda show you how it's done.
8. Black Pearls: Daily Meditations, Affirmations, and Inspirations for African-Americans by Eric V. Copage
Photo: amazon.com
Nothing like a good ole' inspirational quote for a quick burst of motivation. Begin each day with entries ranging from African proverbs to wisdom from Oprah.
9. The Broke Diaries by Angela Nissel
Photo: angelanissel.com
If you are a cash poor undergrad, this hilarious day-to-day chronicle of one college students adventures in broke-assness is sure to make you feel better about your life.
10. Too Heavy a Load: Black Women in Defense of Themselves, 1894-1994 by Deborah Gray White
Photo: Goodreads.com
Struggling to navigate the realities of racism and sexism? You aren't the first. This book documents a century of black women, from Ida B. Wells to Anita Hill, who have championed their own defense amidst gender and race politics.
11. The Conversation: How Men and Women Can Build Loving, Trusting Relationships by Hill Harper
Photo: Amazon
Ready for a meaningful relationship? Let Hill Harper coach you through some of the challenges facing black love within the context of the African-American experience.
https://21ninety.com/self-help-books-written-by-black-people-that-will-get-you-through-anything?
gonna get my read on...
we need to build up the bgol book forum!